Home Palm oil cluster resilience to enhance indigenous welfare by innovative ability to address land conflicts: Evidence of disaster hierarchy
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Palm oil cluster resilience to enhance indigenous welfare by innovative ability to address land conflicts: Evidence of disaster hierarchy

  • Herdis Herdiansyah EMAIL logo , Randi Mamola and Rofikoh Rokhim
Published/Copyright: June 1, 2023

Abstract

Recently, capacity building has been named the government’s target in evaluating strengthening land function cycle collaboration in reducing disaster conflicts due to palm oil expansion. Disaster conflicts over palm oil plantations are the main cause of the fundamental transition of environmental culture and customs, especially concerning the welfare capacity of indigenous people in Jambi Province, Indonesia. This article aims to combine information on decision hierarchies and Geographical Information System (GIS) imaging applications to assess complaints of disaster risk in the development of palm oil clusters on indigenous welfare factors due to the palm oil boom in eight Rokan hamlets, Jambi. The combination of the Analytical Hierarchy Process simulation and GIS method in the GeoDa density test is used synergistically to analyze the following criteria for disaster causes: land disputes, water pollution, habitat scarcity, drought/forest fires, floods, and crop failure. The results of the disaster hierarchy show that the priority criteria are land disputes followed by drought/forest fires and floods. Meanwhile, the answer to alternative stakeholder decisions is the regional government according to predictions from the findings of the frequency of resolution of conflicts that have occurred in the past. In addition, the GIS density results detected six Rokan hamlets in Jambi having very high and high conflicts, but two hamlets had no disaster conflict incidents. A capacity building approach in the social, economic, and environmental fields is one of the solutions in minimizing land conflicts caused by palm oil expansion.

1 Introduction

Controversial to the explosion of palm oil plantation clusters can be said to be a “cancer” of conflicts that are capable of transforming, because they are rapidly spreading toward the environment and human property in modern history [1]. Other impacts of this cluster growth can also be shown from the aspect of a disaster such as deforestation, floods, crop failure, pollution, and worsening of the climate due to land fires, indicating that symptoms of this cluster expansion have caused a degree of counter-concern or referred to as the “palm oil conflict chain” where this expression spread because of the turmoil of open uncertainty between the founding corporations and plantation recruits and indigenous communities. The average frequency of incidents of land grabbing shows an increase per year. If you observe the attached data, there have been hundreds of conflicts related to palm oil in several places throughout Indonesia [2].

The phenomenon of conflict that often occurs in the case of palm oil is when the community holds demonstrations against the company’s CEO of palm oil, demonstrations wanting to use land rights, litigation offers, and prone to riots such as blockading project facilities and mass coercion [3]. The topic of indigenous people grievances is none other than wanting to convey their aspirations to immediately return access to land, adequate compensation, and acclamation of the livelihood environment of the indigenous people. The plasma plantation conflicts to date highlight the palm oil case which examines the insight into the relative powerlessness of the indigenous people in dealing with corporate violations to insist on the rules of natural law degradation to enhance the image of indigenous welfare [4].

In the middle of the present century, why is the target coordinate point of the agglomeration of palm oil plantations continuously located in the tropics? The detailed expectations of landlords who want to change the empty production capacity may change to a multicellular order, a revamp of the new household livelihood machine. Indonesia, located in the tropics, has announced a comparative investment channel to form an abundant supply of palm oil to become the strongest country and the largest contributor to producing crude palm oil (CPO) exports in Southeast Asia [5]. Calculation data show that the development of palm oil in Indonesia in 2021 has covered 15,081,021 ha, which is spread throughout the land corners of the equator (including the largest palm oil provinces, namely West Sumatra, Riau, and Jambi) [6].

The realization of land ownership for palm oil production was followed by the development of each palm oil land owner as production management consisting of 57.24% private production plantations, 43.76% smallholder production plantations, and 5.24% state production plantations [7]. The mainstay of the supply of CPO consumption of 20–25% in Indonesia to meet the needs of the palm oil industry still turns to an extensification system rather than intensification, meaning that changes in land use that occur are the result of rewards from the government or entrepreneurs establishing cooperation contracts to increase rural development and increase indigenous welfare [3].

Beneficial compensation from a large palm oil agricultural project can encourage the realization of a level of welfare forged in two economic indicators, namely development and income [4]. On the national scale, it is proven that the palm oil has become an essential component of economic growth in Indonesia [8]. Description of the statistical data in this study includes further indicators data on advanced indicators for the development of the largest palm oil industry in Indonesia and also a case study in Jambi, which is a vital economic tool for the welfare of farm workers and is estimated to be able to absorb more than 3.8 million workers [6]. This study emphasizes the development of the palm oil cluster in Jambi, which is believed to have potential risk factors for disaster conflict, especially the welfare of indigenous farmers resulting from the development of palm oil plantations.

As in other provinces, a review of past palm oil production activities in Jambi is characterized by the emergence of partnership schemes between landowners and corporate investors, both public and private groups [9]. Partnership is a business strategy performed by two or more parties during a specific period to get the advantages along with the principle of mutual need and rearing [10]. The results of these partners are supported by various self-help implementations and financial smoothness for landowners from cultivating palm oil land, which is distributed to companies [11]. The long-distance partnership that is getting closer to the contribution of indigenous farmers in Jambi does not only satisfy income as measured by a large amount of palm oil plantations so the natives feel negligent and start to forget about preserving their environment [3]. The substance content of the oil cycle has spread to forest destruction and sources of livelihood in the marine sector. In addition, the income of indigenous farmers generally relies on the agrarian source of palm oil as a livelihood and it is a pity that the income they earn does not match expectations because the profits are evenly distributed and that’s all if the results of planting palm oil cultivation have met the company’s expectations [9].

After the livelihood of the indigenous people who were obsessed with palm oil plantations, it is not uncommon for people in Jambi Province to experience extraordinary complaints because not only have they lost most of their livelihoods in the forest and marine sectors but also have added a complicated problem, namely the prospect of disaster resulting from these activities. The complexity of this problem is predicted in the research of Pischke et al. [12], regarding the expansion of palm oil areas, which has had an impact on symptoms of tropical deforestation, deciduous ecosystems, CO2 emissions, land degradation, and forest fires that cause air pollution. It is revealed that palm oil expansion has been increasing by 28%, concession areas of forest lost since 2000, forest fragmentation by 44%, CO2 emission by up to 4.37 Gt of CO2, and freshwater pollution by 18.3 km3 of grey water [13]. Also, from 1999 until 2015 the deforestation has affected the biodiversity that 150,000 orang utan have been lost and there are many unsistainable land use in Indonesia [14].

On the other hand, from these proofs, the sustainability issues that happen from palm oil expansion can be one of the factors in the disaster that happens in Jambi Province. Also, lack of knowledge by smallholders on implementing sustainable farming practices can be causing many sustainability challenges [15]. Even though the palm oil boom has become urgent for economic growth in CPO-producing countries, of course, this event still generates substantial criticism, which has an impact on negative environmental and social externalities [4]. The social perspective according to Mehraban et al. [2] states that residents in the palm oil area zone often claim to have witnessed much suffering due to the expansion of a line of palm oil land, which was driven by company decisions over land conflicts and workers’ rights. On the other hand, the indigenous people benefited from the palm oil boom by significantly involving around 50% of land use to produce palm oil commodities [4]. Meanwhile, there is still a lot of research literature [16,17], which recently also discussed the object of the problem of palm oil expansion, which made this research study interested in discussing the common threads of the subjectivity of the meaning of expansion itself.

Answering these questions, the study journal aims to present the results of collaborative efforts to scale strategic decision-making hierarchies and Geographical Information System (GIS) imaging to document the trajectory of the results of six hierarchies of disaster criteria on the welfare of indigenous villages in Jambi Province. Focusing on problems in Jambi Province, the NGO partners first compiled a long list of current and past 2 months of conflict using experiences in indigenous villages as well as newspaper reports sourced from the local government. The random identification of six conflicts associated with disaster issues triggers several research urgency questions from this journal paper, namely what are the highest hierarchical criteria that trigger palm oil disaster conflicts among indigenous people? What strategies are taken by indigenous people and government to solve disaster problems from this conflict? How often do indigenous people feel affected by conflict disasters based on their complaints? (or likely to be the cause of their loss or lack of achievement), and What are the results of this conflict hazard detection hierarchy and mapping? In this broad question, this research expects that the picture of indigenous welfare in Jambi Province is very limited considering that the solutions obtained have not been able to complete cooperative solutions, due to the way the political economy is used to encourage close collusion between companies and shareholders.

1.1 Land resilience and acceleration of indigenous welfare as flexible analytical literature

Reflecting the perspective of political economy theory in the literal sense of a very broad political ecology, natural appropriation is influenced by capitalist social correlations [3]. Therefore, the polarization of natural resources is not only a physical entity but also includes the labor force and land use relations, as well as transnational unequal distribution and consumption channels [18]. According to Watts et al. [19], a technocratic strategy to persuade village people to change land functions with production effectiveness consists of a dipolar approach that aims to overcome the socio-ecological crisis of capitalism. This dipolar strategy tries to mitigate changes in the perceptions of rural residents by reducing the impact of ecological disasters and eliminating land conflicts by updating the accumulated value in the development of the emergence of a green economy paradigm. Thus, new resilience for land expansion frame capital emerges and represents new resource discoveries [20].

The conflict triggered by the resilience of the expansion of production land is about land tenure which, as empirically explained by Dadashpoor and Somayeh [21], is that viewing land tenure means “practices” that improve or consolidate access, claims, and exploitation for some time. Then the empirical view of Williams et al. [22] reminds us that the estimates of an increasingly global supply of palm oil plantation resilience products reap the presumption of fears of the threat of natural degradation disasters hampering the process of the welfare of indigenous farmers. In addition, according to the theoretical view of Jean et al. [23], the intensification of palm oil lands encourages the conversion of additional forest lands through factors that increase profitability and return of intensive agricultural land, which leads to the welfare of indigenous peoples and in turn will encourage further expansion of palm oil lands. As noted by Qaim et al. [4], the view of this empirical review is that the elasticity of the resilience of palm oil agricultural land and that the increase in inputs do not reduce native motivation to expand planted areas, which is a reasonable assumption when an analysis of demand for palm products results in a “rebound” effect “to the welfare paradox.”

Comparison of the proposed hypothesized concepts and mechanisms found rigorous theoretical and empirical verification. For example, the empirical verification of Fallahpour et al. [24] presented four economic modulations, which theoretically show palm oil resilience scenarios regarding accelerating indigenous welfare, which concludes that output prices, wage levels, and access costs are the most important determinants in maximizing the output utility of land rent. Meanwhile, regarding empirical and theoretical assumptions, Varkkey et al. [25] argued that the resilience of agricultural commodities in palm oil is associated with various types of reflections and substantial evidence of indigenous welfare, which seems to indicate the latest technological developments. Nsangou [26], looking at the evidence of expansion in the tropics, found that for less than 2–3 years, the natural resilience of palm oil lands slowed down the transfiguration of rural areas, so that the acceleration of welfare data indicators began to experience defensive migration.

In a literature review by Romero et al. [27] shows the relative effects of transforming traditional village life towards centralized changes in palm oil plantations, followed by three broad perspectives. First, the tendency of control village characteristics to choose a baseline that remains in the livelihood sector with villages that have switched to monoculture palm oil. Second, implementation of a comparison of livelihood transitions among villages with varying exposure to palm oil expansion. Third, the measurement of each welfare indicator is done by dividing the absolute welfare, which is used to store information about the direction of changes in welfare (increasing or decreasing) over a certain period.

These studies and other references seem to contribute equally to the widely accepted notion that increased welfare in many cases in the expansion of palm oil areas can indeed be committed to avoiding future catastrophic conflicts (e.g., [28,29]). Their empirical study announced that the indicators of indigenous welfare to the maximum absolute level will reduce the impact of resilience and further expansion of palm oil. This empirical result reinforced by Andrianto et al. [30], which shows adaptive well-being measures have the potential to reduce social management conflicts, degradation of environmental ecosystems, and significant changes in CO2 temperature. Therefore, this research summarizes the analytical thinking of studies that use contractual indigenous welfare through palm oil land resilience as a reference scenario, as well as practical initiatives for sustainable palm oil production which emphasize that increasing indigenous welfare is very important to reduce the chain of conflict on palm oil land in the future.

1.2 Context of the palm oil cluster hierarchy study in Jambi Province

This study is located in Jambi Province, Sumatra Island, which is centered on one of the core points of palm oil expansion in Indonesia, whose line is currently being developed [31]. Geographically, the Jambi area is mostly located in the humid tropical lowlands, where the natural vegetation forest territory is a rainforest. Rainforest centers in the region have been almost half opened to access wood production and incentive smallholder cultivation [32]. This geographic gap space reveals patterns from the literature expedition Tarigan [33], which examines the distribution paths of productive land expansion such as palm oil plantations should not allow institutional steps to be carried out forest carnal observations, if this happens the accelerated destruction of tropical forests is worrying about the threat of more than some nature is experiencing a conversion catastrophe. According to Tarigan [33], the expansion of palm oil lands that cover or crowd tropical forest land, including the transformation of natural physical behavior such as high rainfall density, oxygen diffusion, minimal air capacity, volume, and faster water infiltration will have the effect of potential natural disasters, namely, floods that occur in the rainy season and droughts in the dry season.

Since the spread of palm oil land clusters in Jambi Province, the distribution of livelihoods has changed significantly and even rubber commodity farmers have changed their cultivation competition to palm oil plantations. This phenomenon is corroborated by the empirical study of Bou et al. [32], even though rubber and palm oil are commodities that require large initial investments, this means that the adoption of the change from rubber to palm oil provides substantial benefits quoted from the planting process and production results.

Therefore, it is not uncommon for farmers in Jambi to expand their agricultural land by exploring further into the forest area [34]. Uson [35] said that cultural customs of natural cycles strengthen sustainable ecosystems that must be cared for and preserved if at one point human behavior to over-exploit shows that human caring entities have not thought about the natural disasters they are facing. Considering ecosystem services as protectors and managers of human life, elements of natural biodiversity often provide maximum benefits. Regarding the empirical research of Mehraban et al. [2], then the role of the natives in Jambi has considerable hierarchical or decision-making power in dealing with all conflicts over palm oil land. Customary norms of land function in Jambi tend to be disadvantaged in terms of the impact of natural disasters caused by palm oil land use and thus loss of livelihoods is more detrimental.

2 Materials and methods

2.1 Study zone and sample approach

Survey research data were collected from 300 participants who were part of the resident respondents in the palm oil plantation zone area. The sampling approach of this study records indigenous settlements in Rukam Hamlet, Taman Rajo District, Muaro Regency, Jambi Province, Indonesia. The experimental sample collection method was carried out by selecting indigenous people based on their life evolutionary experiences as seen from the perspective of livelihoods and the impact of disasters from the externality of palm oil expansion. In addition to collecting data, during our observations, this research conducted two rounds of surveys in 2019 which aimed to compare the odd and even revisions of the measurement tool. In the sampling technique, this research tried to construct two rounds of survey sequences in September on the first day (even the 4th) and the second day (the 5th odd). Several revised sample data (a total of 300 respondents two times) released substantial data updates that occurred in the panel survey during the 1 month period.

The results of the verification of the 2019 sample data measurement tool were produced using interviews, observations, and GIS mapping approaches. The interview adaptation technique aims to explore in-depth events in various indigenous activities that are not far from the palm oil delegation area regarding the hierarchy of disaster complaints consisting of land disputes, water pollution, habitat scarcity, drought/forest fires, flood disasters, and crop failure on commodity plants. As a long source and requiring accurate hierarchical quantification, this research conducted the interviews through five questionnaire techniques, namely questions with more than 1 answer, framing loss, framing loss code (odd–even), open and closed questions, and the attitude toward authority scale (AJP).

This research also adopted the visualization of the GIS observational analysis to control disaster-prone sample locations in eight hamlet centers around the palm oil area in Jambi Province, Indonesia. Samples of satellite data obtained through remote sensing systems are collected by portrait scale and distance analysis maps by considering three sets of primary data sources from geographic information from Indonesia Government (BIG/Geospatial Information Agency, BMKG/Meteorology Climatology and Geophysics Council, and BNBP/National Board for Disaster Management). Based on the GIS estimator sample, the appropriateness and availability of the amount of data for each disaster area in eight hamlets is quantified through detention test analysis or spatial detection using the GeoDa software application to demonstrate a clarified picture of disaster risk conflict maps due to the presence of transitional palm oil plantations.

  1. Informed consent: Informed consent has been obtained from all individuals included in this study.

  2. Ethical approval: The conducted research is not related to either human or animal use, and has been approved the ethical committee at the Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Indonesia 589/F. Psi. Komite Etik/PDP.04.00/2019.

2.2 Measurement of disaster hierarchy indicators

The hierarchical indicator measurement unit that this research prioritizes is conflict disaster variant incentives, which are a cluster of decision-making in the analysis framework for 2019. With a total order of 300 respondents to the questionnaire, our research study has the same research urgency analysis as [2], namely limiting the number of entities based on the object area of occurrence chronologically. Our study handles the ongoing conflict disaster case filtering process by improving the hierarchical sample indicator framework until the end of the observation period, building a framing scale panel of the form of geographically balanced objects that are so similar to the complexity of the length of observation in 2019, and adding controls for dividing correlation sizes hierarchies into our simulation. The indicator that this research interested in is the size of disaster conflict per year at each level of community decision in one hamlet. The evidence for this database is sourced by Darshini et al. [36], which is based on SWOT test predictions to make a comparison of challenging trade-offs between factors against multiple criteria so that the overall level of decision-making can be ascertained.

Identification of the hierarchical method of reviewing decision comparison matrix data using Expert Choice 11 or more precisely is a simulation of the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP), which estimates the ranking data distribution through comparative calculations. The AHP simulation provides all conceptual thinking of decision results and assesses hierarchical priorities to achieve large-scale decision-making under the risk of uncertainty [37]. AHP as a decision support tool has its limitations so the assumption of the degree of coefficient of the hierarchical matrix does not find a relationship between the factors of the reciprocal weighting elements. Another major concern regarding AHP, according to Nuthammachot and Stratoulias [38], is a weighting system of ranking other factors into priority decisions to be taken or considered.

On the other hand, the disaster hierarchy is only an indicator of some of the respondents’ decision opinions, and not just limited to argumentation theory on the conclusions of researchers. The multiple simulation models presented in this study reveal the simplification of broad-scale decision priorities from signaling conflicts and disasters related to palm oil expansion through integration of mitigation or assimilation of conflict customs in the indigenous environment. The clarity of decision alternative information related to the simulation of disaster priority hierarchies in the results of the AHP analysis is described in Table 1, which allows for a more precise decision-making capacity.

Table 1

Hierarchical criteria matrix based on disaster indicators

Type of disaster criteria (number and percentage of total cases of palm oil in Jambi) Alternative 1 Alternative 2 Alternative 3
Land disputes n = 90 (89%) n = 73 (67%) n = 87 (73%)
Water pollution n = 29 (19%) n = 8 (6%) n = 21 (12%)
Scarcity of habitat n = 64 (52%) n = 36 (21%) n = 28 (17%)
Drought/fire disaster forest n = 57 (47%) n = 22 (13%) n = 35 (23%)
Flood n = 55 (42%) n = 14 (8%) n = 40 (31%)
Crop failure n = 79 (68%) n = 42 (34%) n = 70 (59%)

Source: Decision hierarchy according to the survey.

To identify the relevant AHP criterion measurement factors in each comparison matrix, 300 questionnaires of 5 forms of questions were distributed according to the degree of qualification of experience of the indigenous people who were directly affected to act as the most exclusive strata. The questionnaire asked respondents to think specifically about the determinants of disasters and conflicts that can promote and hinder well-being by utilizing palm oil-based indigenous lands. Conformity responses from 300 questionnaires that have been answered will be summarized into a table of indicators of the pairwise comparison matrix. By using the AHP simulation approach, the researcher evaluates the comparison of the criteria factors provided with other alternatives in the AHP category, namely domain criteria factors, supporting alternatives, and synthesis hierarchies. The development of these criteria was followed up through a series of data parameter tests according to the suitability of data collection based on hierarchical rankings on causal factors that break down all the complexities of the parties involved and tabulations of disaster conflict analysis.

While in this hierarchical test, this research deepens the distribution of objects presented through geospatial information to find the selected area or coordinates of the location each according to the hierarchy of disaster indicators. The disaster indicator areas have coordinates determined by density points to create a distribution point and are combined with spatial data on the disaster indicator area as a parameter of the transformation scheme due to the expansion of palm oil land functions, such as the surface area of the observation area, disaster-prone areas, plantation areas, and distance agglomeration of settlements. In the context of our study, it is hypothesized that the basic characteristics of indigenous land transformation represent the eight hamlets in Jambi Province, Indonesia. In using the density test through the GIS system, our study refers to the empirical concept of Azhar et al. [39], which processes software data and techniques to capture, update, and describe an overview of geographic information as shapefiles obtained in this research GIS (Figure 1).

Figure 1 
                  Geographical information on the disaster hierarchy in the Jambi region.
Figure 1

Geographical information on the disaster hierarchy in the Jambi region.

3 Results and discussion

3.1 Prospect of hierarchical analysis of palm oil cluster disaster in Jambi

This research took all six indicators of disaster that became conflicts within the scope of empirical research and documented and categorized the priority opinions of complaints expressed by indigenous people during interviews regarding their aspirational decisions regarding disasters due to palm oil expansion. The results of the selection of criteria and sub-criteria data were carried out by filtering disaster factors which were the initial of the conflict procedure because this conflict involved six indicator criteria data consisting of land disputes, water pollution, habitat scarcity, drought or forest fires, floods, and crop failure.

As illustrated in Figure 2, it provides a comparison of the strength of the decision hierarchy from disaster indicators which produce 18 sub-criteria regarding the affected ratio factor and 5 alternative institutional collusion conflicts around the establishment of clusters and management of palm oil production in the Jambi region. In general, the conflicts this research found involve a complex mix of hateful opinions or grievances because indigenous people want to achieve prosperity that has been usurped by corporate parties, so they start protesting against their land rights being taken without consent and will increasingly focus on environmental externalities or distribution profit.

Figure 2 
                  Hierarchical structure of disaster indicators in the Jambi region.
Figure 2

Hierarchical structure of disaster indicators in the Jambi region.

Restructuring to control complaints about the impact of this disaster and determine what approach is good for indigenous people in the Jambi region? and how they voice complaints for land claims against indigenous farmers? Paradigm to identify these “controversial reports,” this research turned to our coverage documentation profile and counted the number of key identities to villagers’ grievances that were held door-to-door or emergency seminars to express their grievances. Like the hierarchy in Figure 2, this research found that the priority of the disaster indicator criteria on the land dispute sub-criteria resulted in a high degree of demonstration and hearing involving 86% of the local politicians and bureaucrats.

This kaleidoscope allegation is very interesting because it turns to the empirical approach of Marin-Burgos and Clancy [40], understanding the extent of the problem of land conflicts that have not been resolved and led to the breaking of the community welfare chain interspersed with two cases of organic protest (170 times for 150 conflicts) from attacks on assets, company property as well as petitioning the local government. While the disaster indicators in the sub-criteria for drought or forest fires, floods, and crop failure are special priority elements (involving 76% of the cases observed), the remarkable finding is that the three disaster indicators are mostly indigenous decision hierarchies as complaints of affected activities aimed at local governments rather than companies [41].

Further elaborating the hierarchy to deepen disaster indicators, some of the indigenous people interviewed underscored the relationship between the increasing difficulty of cultivating crops, the limited access to clean water for local plantations, and the pattern of communities selling plots of land to convert it into palm oil. In addition, indigenous people mentioned environmental changes, including changes in water sanitation, and referred to the loss of native forests which had an impact on the scarcity of endemic fauna which had continued to experience scarcity for many years. This research expects that the findings of the hierarchy of disaster indicators sub-criteria concur with the discussion of Rulli et al. [13], which shows that water pollution and habitat scarcity are starting to “realize” mass destruction and are driven away by abundant palm oil production activities in plantations.

Our comparison of complaints from indigenous opinion in disaster indicators illustrates a different way of involving the role of environmental contribution to determine the type of mitigation as a safeguard for socio-economic conditions in society. According to Córdoba et al. [42], the participation of institutional apparatus factors is a reason for establishing the goal of land expansion resolution, because this is the case with additional options in the five alternative AHP sub-criteria which are a direct effect sequence to find a path of improvement and peace from complaints of indigenous opinion decisions.

The consistency of the scope of analysis of our AHP study is clarified from the opinion of Nuthammachot and Stratoulias [38], which prioritizes a scale comparison matrix for each decision-level sample assessment criterion to divide the ranking of criteria that affect the main objectives of determining the hierarchy. Six disaster indicator criteria are presented to test the paired matrix on the structured AHP weight results from land disputes (criterion 1), water pollution (criterion 2), habitat scarcity (criterion 3), drought/forest fires (criterion 4), floods (criterion 5), and crop failure (criterion 6) (Figure 3). The ranking of the AHP cluster includes 18 alternative disaster conflicts and the involvement of 5 types of stakeholders obtained in the disaster hierarchy analysis.

Figure 3 
                  Pairwise comparison matrix in the disaster indicator hierarchy. Source: Expert Choice 11.
Figure 3

Pairwise comparison matrix in the disaster indicator hierarchy. Source: Expert Choice 11.

The strength of the disaster hierarchy score in the form of land disputes in the Jambi hamlet area played the most significant criterion role in shaping the perception of indigenous complaint decisions (aggregate priority of complaints of 36.6%), followed by the drought/forest fire criteria score categories (20.1%), flooding (13%), and crop failure (11.8%). Throughout recording complaint documentation, this research rarely find the importance of two disaster priorities which are also experienced by some of their problems, so the replication of criterion data including water pollution (10.6%) and habitat scarcity (8%) is a weak score for an overview disaster hierarchy in Jambi Province.

In contrast, the stakeholder group that became the highest alternative decision target was the contribution of the local government (26.1%), which is fully committed to emphasizing solutions to solving disaster conflict networks among indigenous people and palm oil founders. Turning attention to the analysis of the AHP hierarchy, the development of disaster indicators due to the impact of palm oil must be observed that there are factors that receive supporting priority content in each of the four AHP categories in stakeholder institutions that overlap between companies (24.4%), indigenous people (21%), central government (14.4%), and NGO organizations (14.2%).

As reported by the findings of Li et al. [29], the expansion of palm oil production poses challenges for policymakers and industries in various countries that aim to diversify the portfolio of available suppliers of raw material sources. Following the order that was previously reported by Dompreh et al. [43], combining decision perceptions for submitting complaints to stakeholder institutions is the main license in optimizing national and global transformation strategies (especially applied as a study of conflict resolution plans). The literature review and the findings of this study indicate that the local government has been concerned with indigenous people in Jambi for organizing their excessive dependence on conventional palm oil lands, which has shown a significant increase in conflict and disaster.

The main focus of written basic law sources on stakeholder programs related to the expansion of palm oil land is diversification and environmental capital security rather than a direct commitment to preventing energy disparities [44]. Ideally, commodity expansion contract development projects need to consider the potential for reducing conflict appetites and mitigating habitat damage for the sustainability of natural ecosystem superpowers [45]. In addition to looking at ecological assumptions, the importance of investing in long-term infrastructure development such as cables, connecting networks, and roads is a progressive contribution from expansion policies, because the conversion of palm oil lands is mostly focused on the impact of indigenous welfare in remote areas [46].

3.2 Validation of disaster conflict detection points

Most of the conditions of the indigenous areas in Jambi have a tropical equatorial climate and half of the topography of the weather or climate is located in the rainy season [5]. The difference between the two advantages of these types of geographic landscapes is that the area in Jambi has stages of suitability for companies in validating the establishment of palm oil plantations [34]. Therefore, our study analyzes natural factors in the expansion of the palm oil planting area which affect the detection point of disaster conflicts in Jambi Province. In addition, this research found a detection point that the area of expansion increased causing native activities to decrease and the livelihoods that the natives earned were scarce so it was not uncommon for residents to turn to palm oil workers to meet their needs.

This speculation explores the study of Rahmani et al. [47] that the expansion of palm oil plantations not only brings about natural convergence factors but also diversification of indigenous welfare in eight Rukam hamlets, Taman Rajo District, Muaro Regency, Jambi. Seeing this symposium, this research examined changes in primary palm oil land cover which were relatively detectable in GIS density test images using natural colors with manual explanation (Figure 4). It can be seen that the difference in the color of the pixels that are greener is the percentage of distribution of palm oil planting areas, while the combined colorful pattern is designated as a contaminated area for disaster conflict events in Rukam Hamlet, Taman Rajo District, Muaro Regency, Jambi Province.

Figure 4 
                  Detection points for palm oil plantations and disaster-prone areas in eight hamlets of Jambi Province. Source: Lansat GIS Indonesia.
Figure 4

Detection points for palm oil plantations and disaster-prone areas in eight hamlets of Jambi Province. Source: Lansat GIS Indonesia.

This process of land transformation implies that the boom in palm oil expansion not only drags on converted forest land, but also local indigenous elites feel “colonized” in the sense of their welfare. This article argues that isolated lands are a key driver of land rights transitions whereby areas are transferred by well-managed companies to facilitate palm oil plantation chains. This finding is different from that of Teng et al. [48], who observed that companies will maximize profit from palm oil production in the long term by increasing production land and marginal workers. Native land in peat areas is more likely to be used as access to opening up common land resources where land shifts are uncontrolled and are used continuously [49]. The 2019 clarification map is included as a data visualization of the dynamics of disaster conflict risk landscapes and is compiled based on the intensity of how big the ratio of events to six disaster factors is related to land disputes, water pollution, habitat scarcity, drought/forest fires, floods, and crop failure. The six disaster risk classes are defined for each color detection from the layer section which consists of undetectable, very low, low, medium, high, and very high (Figure 5).

Figure 5 
                  Map distribution of land ownership and risks disaster conflict in the Rokan sub-village, Jambi Province, Indonesia. Source: Geoda & ESRI ArcGIS.
Figure 5

Map distribution of land ownership and risks disaster conflict in the Rokan sub-village, Jambi Province, Indonesia. Source: Geoda & ESRI ArcGIS.

Map data on the distribution of land owned by palm oil plantations in Jambi hamlet conclude a significance value of the probability of 0.05 (5%) having a wide range of natural forest (162 ha/3.62%), state plantation land (900 ha/53.37%), native plantation land (457 ha/15.24%), and private plantation land (1,789 ha/67.3%). Then, this distribution clarification map is overlaid on the colors of the disaster conflict risk zones and the result is that there are six hamlet points in Jambi which are recorded in the very high and high-risk zones and the rest are in the medium zone (Figure 5).

The main cause is the expansion of palm oil lands that are not conditioned such as burning protected forests and polluting indigenous commodity land self-help [50]. According to Raharja et al. [51], the central and regional governments in the Jambi region do not yet have the right view to stop the quality of conflicts between companies and residents, because these conflicts are always based on failures due to the factor of “bribes” provided by the state and the private sector in a company. This research believes that the welfare position of the small natives is still underrepresented compared to other stakeholders such as local elites. They have to deal with the company’s palm oil expansion activities when the land bonding process still uses old cultural methods, such as burning forests, polluting river water, and a culture of exploitation. The point of view of another phenomenon is that the local elite as the highest strata of society benefits from the easy sale of some native land to finance regional operations, even though if traced they are worried about the future socio-economic welfare of the natives [52].

Given this situation, both central and local governments play important roles in distributing indigenous welfare through devolution of the management of palm oil land expansion and definitions regarding land ownership boundaries to avoid conflict over land dispute lines [53]. Indigenous land justice will begin to be coordinated if it is clear that it is empowered and this research agrees with Schoneveld et al. [54] if native welfare conditions have the freedom to developing institutions to protect land rights based on their rules and knowledge. One of the empowerment that can be implemented to indigenous people is capacity building. On the environmental aspects, capacity building has urgencies to be implemented on tackling deforestation issues [55,56]. Also, capacity building as form of empowerment can be a solution by supporting smallholders on sustainable agriculture and acknowledge the presence of indigenous people as “ecological heroes” [57].

4 Conclusions

This article explores an extensive collection of documentation to discuss the trajectories of the six hierarchies of catastrophic conflict between natives and companies that decided on palm oil expansion in Jambi. This study provides comprehensive insights into the impact of palm oil flows on the parameters of indigenous welfare in eight hamlets in the Jambi area with the largest average palm oil plantations on the island of Sumatra. Landsat GIS data in the analysis of detention tests or spatial detection synergistically sharpen the sequence of disaster risk based on the distribution of significant data on palm oil land ownership with a probability value of 0.05 (5%), which has a wide range of natural forest (162 ha/3.62%), state plantation land (900 ha/ 53.37%), native plantation land (457 ha/15.24%), and private plantation land (1,789 ha/67.3%). Then are set in the ratio of no disaster conflict, very low, low, medium, very high, and high.

The results of the study found that the AHP method from a series of decisions on native complaints stated that the number of disaster conflicts over land disputes was one of the highest criteria. While the 18 criteria representing 6 disasters have selected institutions as the highest stakeholder of the 5 alternative hierarchies, namely local government institutions entrusted by indigenous parties to effectively handle palm oil disaster conflict cases in 8 Rukam hamlets, Jambi Province.

In addition, GIS data in the analysis of the GeoDa detention test detect validation that the potential risk of disaster conflict is very high and is located in six Rukam hamlets the rest are in two hamlet areas with no potential for disaster conflict. Nonetheless, our research is very important in providing contextual recommendations for solutions to the palm oil boom debate and underscoring the firmness of local governments to carefully evaluate the conceptual development of palm oil companies. Further verification of the palm oil boom illustrates that the revision of regional government policies does not only focus on the future of the regional economy but also adapt solutions to a capacity-building approach by increasing the portfolio of indigenous peoples’ welfare which must be considered in detail. Thus, capacity-building can cover the social, economic, and environmental impacts of palm oil plantations and can minimize land conflicts that favor pro-people toward preventive practices of land abortion caused by palm oil expansion.

Acknowledgments

This research was conducted in the period from 2019 to 2020. Our sincere thanks to smallholders of palm oil plantation, stakeholders, Erita Narhetali and team from Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Indonesia, and to Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Indonesia for ethical committee who have given research ethics approval 589/F. Psi. Komite Etik/PDP.04.00/2019.

  1. Funding information: This research was funded by Program Penelitian Dasar Ungguan Perguruan Tinggi (PDUPT) Kementerian Riset dan Teknologi/Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional (KEMENRISTEK/BRIN) – Universitas Indonesia with contract number 8/E1/KP.PTNBH/2020 and 255/PKS/R/UI/2020.

  2. Author contributions: Conceptualization, H.H., and R.N.; methodology, H.H., and R.M.; format analysis, H.H. and R.M.; resources, R.M.; data curation, R.M.; visualization, R.N.; writing – original draft preparation H.H., and R.M; writing – review and editing, H.H., and R.M.; visualization, R.M., supervision, H.H., and R.R.; project administration, H.H., and R.R. All authors have read and agree to the published version of the manuscript.

  3. Conflict of interest: The authors state no conflict of interest.

  4. Data availability statement: The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Received: 2023-02-04
Revised: 2023-04-24
Accepted: 2023-05-09
Published Online: 2023-06-01

© 2023 the author(s), published by De Gruyter

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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  85. Consumers’ attitudes toward refrigerated ready-to-eat meat and dairy foods
  86. Breakfast habits and knowledge: Study involving participants from Brazil and Portugal
  87. Food determinants and motivation factors impact on consumer behavior in Lebanon
  88. Comparison of three wine routes’ realities in Central Portugal
  89. Special Issue on Agriculture, Climate Change, Information Technology, Food and Animal (ACIFAS 2020)
  90. Environmentally friendly bioameliorant to increase soil fertility and rice (Oryza sativa) production
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