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Epenthetic vowel quality crosslinguistically, with focus on Modern Hebrew

  • Noam Faust EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: May 13, 2024
Linguistics Vanguard
From the journal Linguistics Vanguard Volume 10 Issue 1

Abstract

This paper proposes the principle of weakest epenthesis, whereby the quality of the epenthetic vowel is that of the weakest lexical vowel of the language, and weakness is defined phonologically, not phonetically. This principle is first shown to motivate the emergence of [e] as the epenthetic vowel of Modern Hebrew. It is then corroborated by a crosslinguistic survey of 100 languages. Finally, the Modern Hebrew facts are used to illustrate the formalization of this principle using gradient symbolic representations.

Keywords: epenthesis; gradient representations; Modern Hebrew; quality; vocalic weakness
Corresponding author: Noam Faust, Université Paris 8 & CNRS SFL, Saint Denis, France, E-mail:

Acknowledgments

The author would like to thank the following people for their help: Outi Bat-El, Si Berrebi, Joaquim Brandão de Carvalho, and Vered Silber-Varod and Il-il Yatziv-Malibert, as well as the participants of the Atelier de Phonologie of the CNRS lab “Structures Formelles du Langage” and three anonymous reviewers. Remaining errors and omissions should not be attributed to any of these individuals, but to the author.

Appendix: A crosslinguistic survey of the correlation between vocalic weakness and epenthetic quality

The language survey is based on the list of 100 languages in the WALS online site (https://wals.info/languoid/samples/100). The following substitutions were made (in all cases but one within the same language family), in order to bolster the results: German → Yiddish; Hindi → Domari; Imonda → Kilmeri; Kewa → Komnzo; Kiowa → Kiowa/Tiwa; Koasati → Alabama; Krongo → Lumun; Lango → Lupit; Luvale → Shona; Mangarayi → Enindhilyakwa; Rema → Teribe; Tiwi → Wardaman; Wichita → Caddo; Yaqui → Seri; Nama → Khoekhoegowab; Ngiyambaa → Kisêdjê (not related).

Languages with a weak lexical vowel that is used for epenthesis

Language Pattern Source
1. Abkhaz Two vowel phonemes, /a,ə/. The phone [ə] is used to split inconvenient consonant clusters. Of the two vowels /a,ə/, the latter is clearly weaker. Chirikba (2003)
2. Alamblak /i,e,a,u,o,ɨ,ə/. Epenthetic [ɨ]. /ɨ/ undergoes full assimilation to some vowels. Bruce (1984)
3. Alabama /i,a,u/. [i] is used to derive CV-final words (other cases of epenthesis are copy vowels). /i/ is also weak in other senses. Montler and Hardy (1991)
4. Arabic (Palestinian) /i,u,a,iː,uː,aː,eː,oː/. Epenthetic [i]. Lexical /i/ syncopates in unstressed open syllables. Personal knowledge
5. Basque /i,u,a,e,o/. /e/ is a phoneme, [e] is epenthetic, [e] undergoes syncope. Hualde and Ortiz de Urbina (2003)
6. Cree At least /i,a,u/+length. According to Wolfart (1973), /i/ is syncopated in normal speech. And according to Russell (1992), [i] is the epenthetic vowel. Wolfart (1973), Russell (1992)
7. Dakelh /i,e,o,u,a,ʌ (ə?)/. The epenthetic vowel is [ə/ʌ]. It is the only vowel not to appear in open syllables in verb stems. It does not seem to be possible to reduce all [ə] to epenthesis. Gessner (2003)
8. Domari /i,u,a,e,o/. [i] epenthesis. /i/ also syncopates in some common verbs. Matras (2012)
9. English /ə/ (for instance, [ə]loof) is also the epenthetic vowel [kənɪʃ] (Yiddish [kniʃ] ‘sort of dumpling’), and also alternates with zero [k(ə)ríjə] Korea. Personal knowledge
10. Enindhilyakwa /i,ɛ,a,ə/. Also, “lexical schwa optionally harmonizes to the epenthetic vowel in the next syllable, either by i-umlaut or by regressive vowel harmony” (Van Egmond 2012: 69). Epenthetic [ə] is ignored by stress, lexical /ə/ isn’t. Van Egmond (2012)
11. Fijian /i,u,a,e,o/+length+diphthongs. Copy epenthesis, but word-finally [i]. Short vowels /i,u/ can be syncopated in unstressed syllables (the consonant lengthens, in the case of /u/ it is homorganic) → for this there are only a few examples in Schütz (1985). Schütz (1985)
12. French /i e ɛ y œ ø ɔ a ã õ œ̃ ɛ̃/. [œ/ø] is epenthetic. /ø,œ/ are also phonemes. Some [ø]s alternate with Ø [ʃøval, ʃval] ‘horse’. Personal knowledge
13. Gooniyandi /a,aa,oo,i/. Epenthesis is [i]. Some evidence for weakness of [i]: it is statistically much more common word-finally, and gets lost when a V-initial suffix is added. i → oo/_Coo. McGregor (1990)
14. Greek / i,u,a,e,o/. Either [e] or [i] is epenthetic (not very clear). In northern dialects, while /e,o/ shift to [i,u] the latter delete in unstressed position. Markopoulos (2018)
15. Hare Slave /i,u,a,e,o+je/ in Hare. Epenthetic vowel is [e]. A suffix [-e] is deleted upon contact with another vowel. In fact, all kinds of [e] are deleted in the morphology. Rice (1989)
16. Hebrew Personal knowledge
17. Kilmeri /i,ɪ,ɛ,æ,a,u,ʊ,ɔ/. [ɛ] and [i] undergo lowering (to [a] and [ɛ]) before certain codas. [i] undergoes lexically specific syncope in 2-sided open syllables. [ɛ] undergoes assimilation to following [ɔ]. Some prefixes are analyzed as /C-/, in which case their vowel =V1 unless it is [a], in which case the prefixed vowel is [ɛ]. The epenthetic vowel is probably [ɛ]. Gerstner-Link (2018)
18. Japanese /i,u,a,e,o/+length. Mostly [u], though sometimes [o] and [i]. All three correspond to phonemes. /u/ and /i/ undergo devoicing. Labrune (2012)
19. Korean /i,e,ɛ,u,o,ɔ,a,ɨ/. Epenthetic [ɨ], /ɨ/ is weak. Rhee (2002)
20. Koyra Chiini /i,u,a,e,o/ + length. Hard to tell. French consonant-final loans are adapted with a final high vowel (either i or u). Short vowels are deleted in suffixed CViCViC, [i] is marginally deleted elsewhere. Heath (2011)
21. Lumun /i,ɪ,u,ʊ,ɛ,ɔ,a,ə/. /ə/ is definitely lexical, definitely the weakest lexical vowel, and definitely the epenthetic vowel. Smits (2017)
22. Lakota /i,u,a,e,o+ã,ĩ,ũ/. [a] is the epenthetic vowel. It also undergoes deletion in prefixes. Carter (1974)
23. Malagasy (Betsimisrak) /a,i,e,u/. Epenthetic [a]. O’Neill speaks both of epenthetic [a] (only final) and sometimes of harmonic epenthesis (in same position). Also, “in all but the most formal, careful speech, though, is /a/ susceptible to devoicing, manifesting sometimes in as little as a release of the previous stop (Dziwirek 1989; O’Neill 2015: 70) O’Neill (2015), Dziwirek (1989)
24. Meithei/ Manipuri According to author, /i,a,u,o,e,ə/. /ə/ tends to disappear when syllabically unnecessary, though. Consonant clusters of the form rC are broken up by the insertion of schwa between the two consonants. If the onset of a syllable is a liquid or a nasal and the vowel of the preceding syllable is a [ə], then that [ə] may delete. In fast speech, [ə] deletes before nasals. Only a vowel can form the nucleus of a Manipuri syllable; in borrowed words [ə] is inserted as the nucleus for words with syllabic nasals or liquids: [filəm] ‘film’, [tebəl] ‘table’ (though possibly there was an intermediate language that already inserted the schwa). Chelliah (1997)
25. Oneida /i,e,a,o,ʌ̃,ũ/. Looks like [e] is the epenthetic vowel according to Abbott (2000), as well as prosthetic [i] in Michelson (1988). [i] is also deleted before other vowels. Abbott (2000), Michelson (1988)
26. Oromo /i,u,a,e,o+length/. [i] is the epenthetic vowel, and [i] is the weakest vowel (completely deletes word-finally). Lloret (1997)
27. Paiwan Looks like /a,i,u,ə/. [ə] is epenthetic. /ə/ is the weakest vowel: stressed only in very extreme conditions. Ferrell (1982)
28. Persian /i,a,ɑ,u,o,e/. Copy epenthesis except before [a,ɑ] where there is [e] epenthesis. The lexical vowel /e/ is syncopated in several cases, and deleted if first in inter-morphemic hiatus. Alireza Jaferian (pers. comm.), Rahbar (2012)
29. Teribe /i,e,a,u,o,ɑ+nasality+ɪ,ʊ(no nasal counterparts)/. Epenthesis is [ə]. /a/ in unstressed syllables is also [ə]. Oakes (2001)
30. Seri /a,e,i,o+length/. Epenthesis is most commonly [i] (though there is also [a]-epenthesis). There is also a rule of /i/ deletion. Marlett and Stemberger (1983)
31. Spanish /i,e,a,u,o/. Epenthesis is [e]. [e]-deletion in some paradigms. Personal Knowledge
32. Swahili /i,a,e,o,u/. Epenthesis in loanword adaptation is sometimes copy, but not at word edges, where it is [i] (and [u] after labials). Lexical [i] and [u] are optionally deleted in some prefixes. Mwita (2009)
33. Turkish /i,a,e,o,u,y,ø,ɨ/. [ɨ] is epenthetic and lexical /ɨ/ is the weakest vowel. Markus Pöchtrager (p.c.)
34. Yagua /i,u,a,e,o/. Epenthesis of [i] between [r] and [j]. Deletion of [i] between two voiceless C (+ another deletion that is described for all vowels but illustrated only for /i/ and /u/) Payne (1985)
35. Yiddish /i,u,a,e,o,ɨ/. /ɨ/ must be lexical in words like [χánɨke]. Never stressed, hence weak. Also used as epenthetic in /motl+n/ → [motlɨn]. Personal knowledge
36. Yoruba Apparently /i,a,e,o,u,ɛ,ɔ + 5 nasals/. Epenthesis in loans (cluster+final) is usually [i] ([u] after labials). Occasionally [i] or [u] through copy. [i] is also sometimes elided word-initially. Fresco (1970)
37. Zoque /i,u,a,e,o,ɨ/. [ɨ]-epenthesis. /ɨ/ undergoes syncope and harmonizes with [a]. Knudson (1975)
38. Zulu /i,u,a,e,o/. Epenthetic [i]. Also used in loans, alongside copy. There is a vowel deletion rule that targets /i/. Cook (2013)

Languages with a lexical vowel that is used for epenthesis, where weakness cannot be established

Language Pattern Source
1. Caddo /a,i,u/. Probably [i] is sometimes epenthetic (one case cited). No weakness of /i/ (all short vowels delete). Melnar (1998)
2. Canela-Krahô /i,e,ɛ,u,o,ɔ,a/ + nasal contrast (neutralization in mid vowels) + rounding contrast for back vowels except /a/. Final consonants are released with the quality of preceding vowel, except when it’s an /a/, in which case there’s an [i]. But no evidence of weakness. Popjes and Popjes (1986)
3. Finnish /i,e,æ,y,ø,u,o,a/. Not so clear, but probably [i] is epenthetic (though morphologically conditioned). However, weakness of /i/ cannot be clearly established. Karlsson (1999)
4. Georgian /i,u,a,e,o/. Probably /a/ is epenthetic (more common than /i/ in augmenting words to disyllabicity). /a/ (but also /e/ and /o/) syncopates in nominal stems: V[-high] → Ø /_C[+son]-VC. Butskhrikidze (2002)
5. Grebo /i,em,u,om,e,o,a,ɛ,ɔ/ (m= “muffled”) + nasality for non-muffled vowels. An underspecified non-low vowel in harmony with following vowel. No data for weakness. Innes (1966)
6. Guaraní (Tapiete Guaraní) /i,a,u,o,e,ɨ/. Often copy, but not of [a]. When no copy is possible, [i,ɨ,e] (all analyzed as phonemic; only the latter word-finally). No sign of weakness of these non-low vowels. González (2005)
7. Hausa /i,u,a,e,o/+length. Copy, but word-finally mostly [i]. Nothing indicates weakness of /i/. Newman (2000)
8. Indonesian /i,u,a,e,o/, copy epenthesis, but unmotivated /u/ word-finally. No sign of weakness of /u/. Batais and Wiltshire (2017)
9. Kannada /i,u,a,e,o/+length. [u] is inserted at the edge of words before pause and consonant-initial suffixes ([i] after [j]). All short vowels delete in colloquial speech. Some evidence that [u] is weak: [avu] → [aː], ija → [eː]. Bright (1970)
10. Kisêdjê /i,e,a,u,o,ɛ,ɔ,ɨ,ə,ʌ/+nasality (doesn’t combine with high mid and a). Epenthetic vowel is [ɨ] when it is not a copy. Not clear whether it is the weakest. Beauchamp (2019)
11. Shona /a,i,e,o,u/. Generalization: after labial Cs, /u/ is inserted; after coronal Cs, /i/ is inserted; after dorsal Cs, the previous V is copied if it is /i,o,u/; after /e,a/, however, /i/ is epenthesized. Caveat: after stops, CV-assimilation is dispreferred; instead, we find V-copy if the previous V is /i/ or /u/. Uffman (2002)
12. Mandarin Possibly the inventory is /i,y,u,ə,a/. Luo reports about loanwords: [i,ɤ,u] depending on preceding C. Natively, no lexical vowel shows more weakness than any other. Xiaoliang Luo (pers. comm.)
13. Mapuche /i,a,u,o,e,ə/. Epenthesis is [ə]. [ə] is the only vowel that isn’t a suffix. No other evidence for weakness of [ə]. Moulineaux (2018)
14. Otomí /i,e,ɛ,a,u,o,ɔ,ɨ,ə/, Epenthesis is [ɨ]. No evidence for weakness. Palancar (2009)
15. Pirahã /i,a,u/. Epenthesis is either [i] or [a], under very strange conditions; no information as to weakness. Everett (1986)
16. Rapanui Strict CV language, /a,i,u,e,o/. No epenthesis in native words. “Final consonants are not allowed. This is resolved by adding a final vowel, which is either e or identical to the previous vowel” (Kieviet 2017: 59). No data points to weakness. Kieviet (2017)
17. Tagalog /i,u,a,e,o/, [i] epenthesis before word initial sC. #Cj an #Cw broken by i and u. No real proof found that high vowels are weaker. Schachter and Otanes (1972)

Languages for which the source does not point out to an epenthetic vowel

Language Pattern Source
1. Apuriña /i,u,a,e,o,ɨ,ə/+length+nasalization for all vowels. /ɨ/ deletes before a vowel; /ɨ/→[i] after palatal, /ɨ/ is absent from diphthongs. But no information about epenthetic vowels. Da Silva Facundes (2000)
2. Acoma-Keresan /i,e,ɨ,u,a/+voicing contrast. No data regarding epenthesis/weakness in source. Maring (1967)
3. Asmat /i,u,a,e,o/. Voorhoeve (1980)
4. Baguirmi Unreliable data. Gaden (1909)
5. Barasano Insufficient data.
6. Burmese /i,u,a,e,o/. No data on epenthesis or weakness. Soe (1999)
7. Burushaski /i,u,a,e,o/+length. High vowel syncope occurs occasionally. No data about epenthesis. Anderson (1997)
8. Chamorro /u,e,i,o,a,æ/. No data on epenthesis or weakness. Topping (1973)
9. Daga /i,u,a,e,o/. No data on epenthesis or weakness. Murane (1974)
10. Dani /i,u,a,e,o/. No data on epenthesis or weakness. Bromley (1961)
11. Hmong /i,a,u,o,e,õ,ẽ/. Epenthesis is probably [ə], but in fact hard to tell. Mostly C-deletion in loanwords. Golston and Yang (2001)
12. Jacaltec /i,a,u/, among which /i/ most frequently undergoes syncope. But no evidence for epenthesis. Craig (1977)
13. Kiowa/Tiwa /i,e,a,u,o,ɔ/. There is possibly [e] epenthesis in Tiwa, but /e/ does not seem to be a lexical vowel in this language. If anything [ɔ] is the weakest vowel (gets deleted occasionally). Sutton (2014)
14. Kutenai /i,u,a/. Little evidence of weakness or of which vowel is epenthetic. Morgan (1991)
15. Lavukaleve /i,u,a,e,o/. Not enough data. [i] or [e] as epenthesis alongside copy. Terrill (2003)
16. Lezgian /i,e,a,æ,y,u/. “Loss of pretonic high vowels after voiceless obstruents” (Haspelmath 1993: 36); “epenthetic [i]” reported by Scheffler (2005) Haspelmath (1993)
17. Martuthunira /i,a,u/+length. No data about epenthesis (“epenthetic syllable pa”). Mention of epenthetic [u] but in one very specific rounding-inducing environment. No vowel weakness. Dench (1987)
18. Maung /i,u,a,ɛ,ɔ/. No evidence of epenthesis. Capell and Hinch (1970)
19. Mixtec /i,ɨ,a,u,o,e/. Possibly copy. Some loanwords add [i] or [a] at the right edge, possibly depending on the stem vowel; but there is insufficient data. Macaulay (1996)
20. Quechua /i,a,u/. No data. Cole (1982)
21. Russian /i,e,u,o,a,ɨ/. No data for epenthetic vowel. Personal knowledge
22. Sanuma /i,ɨ,e,ə,a,u/+nasal set (somewhat reduced). No information regarding epenthesis. Borgman (1990)
23. Thai /i,ɯ,u,e,ɤ,o,ɛ,a,ɔ/. In some English loanwords one finds [a] breaking up impermissible clusters, but this accommodation looks like more than just a pronunciation thing. Another paper says that /thr/ is sometimes pronounced [thər]. Nacaskul (1979)
24. Wardaman No data found in these two grammars. Merlan (1994), Cook (1987)
25. Tukang Besi No data. Donohue (1999)
26. Vietnamese Looks like /i,e,ɛ,u,o,ɔ,ɨ,ə/+complications.

In the adaptation of French consonant clusters into Vietnamese, epenthesis applies far less frequently than deletion, attested only in onset clusters. Three epenthetic vowels are attested in the corpus, [a,i,ɤ]; of these, [ɤ] has the highest frequency. It seems possible that the place of articulation of the preceding consonant is one of the factors that determine the choice of the low, high, or mid vowel. Additional data is needed to confirm this hypothesis.		 Nguyen and Dutta (2017)
27. Wari /i,a,e,o,y,ø/. No real information about epenthesis. Everett and Kern (1997)

Languages with a non-lexical epenthetic vowel

Language Pattern Source
1. Berber (Tamazight) /i,a,u/. Non-lexical epenthesis [ɨ]. Abdel-Massih (1971)
2. Chukchi /i,e,u/. Non-lexical epenthesis [ə]. Dunn (1999)
3. Hixkaryana /i,a,u,o,e/. /i/ and /u/ regularly delete word-finally. Epenthetic vowel described as non-lexical [ə] or [ɪ]. Derbyshire (1979)
4. Komnzo /i,a,e,u,ʊ,ɔ/. Non-lexical epenthetic [ə] ([i] and [u] around [j] and [w]). Döhler (2018)
5. Khalakh Mongolian /i,y,a,æ,e,œo,u/. Non-lexical epenthetic [ə], influenced by environment (sometimes harmonizes with preceding vowel). A. M. Karlsson (2005)
6. Maricopa /i,u,a,e,o/. Epenthetic [ə] ([ɪ/i] after [j], [u] after labialized C). No evidence for weakness of high vowels. Gordon (1986)
7. Maybrat According to author, /i,u,a,e,o,ə/. Epenthetic [ə] (very widespread). But the phoneme /ə/ only occurs in a handful of words word-initially or preceded by [ʔ], and even in these cases it is optional. I would conclude that there is non-lexical epenthesis. Dol (1999)

Languages with copy epenthesis

Language Pattern Source
1. Amele /i,u,a,e,o/. Copy epenthesis. Roberts (2016)
2. Arapesh /i,e,a,æ,u,o,ɨ,ə/. /ɨ/ undergoes syncope. But copy epenthesis. Conrad and Wogiga (1991)
3. West Greenlandic /i,a,u/. Copy epenthesis in loans. Names are Greenlandized by adding a final [i]. No evidence of weakness. Fortescue (1984)
4. Karuk /i,u,a,iː,uː,aː,eː,oː/. Epenthesis is a copy vowel, but it must be short so it can’t be [e] or [o]. Short vowels are deleted word-finally. Sandy (2017)
5. Kayardild /a,i,u/. Copy epenthesis (found in loans in Evans’s list). Short vowels, and high ones are susceptible to reduction. Evans (1995)
6. Khoekhoegowab /i,u,a,e,o/. In loans, copy of adjacent vowel. Haacke (2015)
7. Lupit /a,i,ɪ,e,ɛ,o,ɔ,u,ʊ/. Copy (only in some loanwords). Billington (2017)
8. Makah /i,u,a,e,o/. Copy epenthesis. Davidson (2002)
9. Sango /i,e,ɛ,a,u,o,ɔ/. For epenthesis, not a lot of evidence. It seems that there is copy epenthesis in French loans. Samarin (1967)
10. Supyire /a,e,i,o,u,ɛ,ɔ/+nasals (no õ,ẽ). Vowel elision only affects /i/. Many CV suffixes where V is a complete copy of preceding vowel. /i/→[u]/_labial. Copy epenthesis seems to be the rule in loans (though not many examples). Carlson (1994)
11. Warao CVCV language, /i,u,a,e,o/. Copy epenthesis (in loans), with occasional unmotivated [i]. Romero-Figueroa (1997)

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Received: 2023-06-07
Accepted: 2023-12-13
Published Online: 2024-05-13

© 2024 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Articles in the same Issue

  1. Frontmatter
  2. Editorial
  3. Editorial 2024
  4. Phonetics & Phonology
  5. The role of recoverability in the implementation of non-phonemic glottalization in Hawaiian
  6. Epenthetic vowel quality crosslinguistically, with focus on Modern Hebrew
  7. Japanese speakers can infer specific sub-lexicons using phonotactic cues
  8. Articulatory phonetics in the market: combining public engagement with ultrasound data collection
  9. Investigating the acoustic fidelity of vowels across remote recording methods
  10. The role of coarticulatory tonal information in Cantonese spoken word recognition: an eye-tracking study
  11. Tracking phonological regularities: exploring the influence of learning mode and regularity locus in adult phonological learning
  12. Morphology & Syntax
  13. #AreHashtagsWords? Structure, position, and syntactic integration of hashtags in (English) tweets
  14. The meaning of morphomes: distributional semantics of Spanish stem alternations
  15. A refinement of the analysis of the resultative V-de construction in Mandarin Chinese
  16. L2 cognitive construal and morphosyntactic acquisition of pseudo-passive constructions
  17. Semantics & Pragmatics
  18. “All women are like that”: an overview of linguistic deindividualization and dehumanization of women in the incelosphere
  19. Counterfactual language, emotion, and perspective: a sentence completion study during the COVID-19 pandemic
  20. Constructing elderly patients’ agency through conversational storytelling
  21. Language Documentation & Typology
  22. Conative animal calls in Macha Oromo: function and form
  23. The syntax of African American English borrowings in the Louisiana Creole tense-mood-aspect system
  24. Syntactic pausing? Re-examining the associations
  25. Bibliographic bias and information-density sampling
  26. Historical & Comparative Linguistics
  27. Revisiting the hypothesis of ideophones as windows to language evolution
  28. Verifying the morpho-semantics of aspect via typological homogeneity
  29. Psycholinguistics & Neurolinguistics
  30. Sign recognition: the effect of parameters and features in sign mispronunciations
  31. Influence of translation on perceived metaphor features: quality, aptness, metaphoricity, and familiarity
  32. Effects of grammatical gender on gender inferences: Evidence from French hybrid nouns
  33. Processing reflexives in adjunct control: an exploration of attraction effects
  34. Language Acquisition & Language Learning
  35. How do L1 glosses affect EFL learners’ reading comprehension performance? An eye-tracking study
  36. Modeling L2 motivation change and its predictive effects on learning behaviors in the extramural digital context: a quantitative investigation in China
  37. Ongoing exposure to an ambient language continues to build implicit knowledge across the lifespan
  38. On the relationship between complexity of primary occupation and L2 varietal behavior in adult migrants in Austria
  39. The acquisition of speaking fundamental frequency (F0) features in Cantonese and English by simultaneous bilingual children
  40. Sociolinguistics & Anthropological Linguistics
  41. A computational approach to detecting the envelope of variation
  42. Attitudes toward code-switching among bilingual Jordanians: a comparative study
  43. “Let’s ride this out together”: unpacking multilingual top-down and bottom-up pandemic communication evidenced in Singapore’s coronavirus-related linguistic and semiotic landscape
  44. Across time, space, and genres: measuring probabilistic grammar distances between varieties of Mandarin
  45. Navigating linguistic ideologies and market dynamics within China’s English language teaching landscape
  46. Streetscapes and memories of real socialist anti-fascism in south-eastern Europe: between dystopianism and utopianism
  47. What can NLP do for linguistics? Towards using grammatical error analysis to document non-standard English features
  48. From sociolinguistic perception to strategic action in the study of social meaning
  49. Minority genders in quantitative survey research: a data-driven approach to clear, inclusive, and accurate gender questions
  50. Variation is the way to perfection: imperfect rhyming in Chinese hip hop
  51. Shifts in digital media usage before and after the pandemic by Rusyns in Ukraine
  52. Computational & Corpus Linguistics
  53. Revisiting the automatic prediction of lexical errors in Mandarin
  54. Finding continuers in Swedish Sign Language
  55. Conversational priming in repetitional responses as a mechanism in language change: evidence from agent-based modelling
  56. Construction grammar and procedural semantics for human-interpretable grounded language processing
  57. Through the compression glass: language complexity and the linguistic structure of compressed strings
  58. Could this be next for corpus linguistics? Methods of semi-automatic data annotation with contextualized word embeddings
  59. The Red Hen Audio Tagger
  60. Code-switching in computer-mediated communication by Gen Z Japanese Americans
  61. Supervised prediction of production patterns using machine learning algorithms
  62. Introducing Bed Word: a new automated speech recognition tool for sociolinguistic interview transcription
  63. Decoding French equivalents of the English present perfect: evidence from parallel corpora of parliamentary documents
  64. Enhancing automated essay scoring with GCNs and multi-level features for robust multidimensional assessments
  65. Sociolinguistic auto-coding has fairness problems too: measuring and mitigating bias
  66. The role of syntax in hashtag popularity
  67. Language practices of Chinese doctoral students studying abroad on social media: a translanguaging perspective
  68. Cognitive Linguistics
  69. Metaphor and gender: are words associated with source domains perceived in a gendered way?
  70. Crossmodal correspondence between lexical tones and visual motions: a forced-choice mapping task on Mandarin Chinese
https://doi.org/10.1515/lingvan-2023-0081
Keywords for this article
epenthesis; gradient representations; Modern Hebrew; quality; vocalic weakness

Articles in the same Issue

  1. Frontmatter
  2. Editorial
  3. Editorial 2024
  4. Phonetics & Phonology
  5. The role of recoverability in the implementation of non-phonemic glottalization in Hawaiian
  6. Epenthetic vowel quality crosslinguistically, with focus on Modern Hebrew
  7. Japanese speakers can infer specific sub-lexicons using phonotactic cues
  8. Articulatory phonetics in the market: combining public engagement with ultrasound data collection
  9. Investigating the acoustic fidelity of vowels across remote recording methods
  10. The role of coarticulatory tonal information in Cantonese spoken word recognition: an eye-tracking study
  11. Tracking phonological regularities: exploring the influence of learning mode and regularity locus in adult phonological learning
  12. Morphology & Syntax
  13. #AreHashtagsWords? Structure, position, and syntactic integration of hashtags in (English) tweets
  14. The meaning of morphomes: distributional semantics of Spanish stem alternations
  15. A refinement of the analysis of the resultative V-de construction in Mandarin Chinese
  16. L2 cognitive construal and morphosyntactic acquisition of pseudo-passive constructions
  17. Semantics & Pragmatics
  18. “All women are like that”: an overview of linguistic deindividualization and dehumanization of women in the incelosphere
  19. Counterfactual language, emotion, and perspective: a sentence completion study during the COVID-19 pandemic
  20. Constructing elderly patients’ agency through conversational storytelling
  21. Language Documentation & Typology
  22. Conative animal calls in Macha Oromo: function and form
  23. The syntax of African American English borrowings in the Louisiana Creole tense-mood-aspect system
  24. Syntactic pausing? Re-examining the associations
  25. Bibliographic bias and information-density sampling
  26. Historical & Comparative Linguistics
  27. Revisiting the hypothesis of ideophones as windows to language evolution
  28. Verifying the morpho-semantics of aspect via typological homogeneity
  29. Psycholinguistics & Neurolinguistics
  30. Sign recognition: the effect of parameters and features in sign mispronunciations
  31. Influence of translation on perceived metaphor features: quality, aptness, metaphoricity, and familiarity
  32. Effects of grammatical gender on gender inferences: Evidence from French hybrid nouns
  33. Processing reflexives in adjunct control: an exploration of attraction effects
  34. Language Acquisition & Language Learning
  35. How do L1 glosses affect EFL learners’ reading comprehension performance? An eye-tracking study
  36. Modeling L2 motivation change and its predictive effects on learning behaviors in the extramural digital context: a quantitative investigation in China
  37. Ongoing exposure to an ambient language continues to build implicit knowledge across the lifespan
  38. On the relationship between complexity of primary occupation and L2 varietal behavior in adult migrants in Austria
  39. The acquisition of speaking fundamental frequency (F0) features in Cantonese and English by simultaneous bilingual children
  40. Sociolinguistics & Anthropological Linguistics
  41. A computational approach to detecting the envelope of variation
  42. Attitudes toward code-switching among bilingual Jordanians: a comparative study
  43. “Let’s ride this out together”: unpacking multilingual top-down and bottom-up pandemic communication evidenced in Singapore’s coronavirus-related linguistic and semiotic landscape
  44. Across time, space, and genres: measuring probabilistic grammar distances between varieties of Mandarin
  45. Navigating linguistic ideologies and market dynamics within China’s English language teaching landscape
  46. Streetscapes and memories of real socialist anti-fascism in south-eastern Europe: between dystopianism and utopianism
  47. What can NLP do for linguistics? Towards using grammatical error analysis to document non-standard English features
  48. From sociolinguistic perception to strategic action in the study of social meaning
  49. Minority genders in quantitative survey research: a data-driven approach to clear, inclusive, and accurate gender questions
  50. Variation is the way to perfection: imperfect rhyming in Chinese hip hop
  51. Shifts in digital media usage before and after the pandemic by Rusyns in Ukraine
  52. Computational & Corpus Linguistics
  53. Revisiting the automatic prediction of lexical errors in Mandarin
  54. Finding continuers in Swedish Sign Language
  55. Conversational priming in repetitional responses as a mechanism in language change: evidence from agent-based modelling
  56. Construction grammar and procedural semantics for human-interpretable grounded language processing
  57. Through the compression glass: language complexity and the linguistic structure of compressed strings
  58. Could this be next for corpus linguistics? Methods of semi-automatic data annotation with contextualized word embeddings
  59. The Red Hen Audio Tagger
  60. Code-switching in computer-mediated communication by Gen Z Japanese Americans
  61. Supervised prediction of production patterns using machine learning algorithms
  62. Introducing Bed Word: a new automated speech recognition tool for sociolinguistic interview transcription
  63. Decoding French equivalents of the English present perfect: evidence from parallel corpora of parliamentary documents
  64. Enhancing automated essay scoring with GCNs and multi-level features for robust multidimensional assessments
  65. Sociolinguistic auto-coding has fairness problems too: measuring and mitigating bias
  66. The role of syntax in hashtag popularity
  67. Language practices of Chinese doctoral students studying abroad on social media: a translanguaging perspective
  68. Cognitive Linguistics
  69. Metaphor and gender: are words associated with source domains perceived in a gendered way?
  70. Crossmodal correspondence between lexical tones and visual motions: a forced-choice mapping task on Mandarin Chinese
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