Etched in Stone: The Kevermes Stone Stela From the Great Hungarian Plain
-
Attila Gyucha
,
Gergely Bóka
Abstract
The origin and authenticity of artifacts unearthed outside controlled archaeological excavations pose challenges for archaeologists, especially when they do not fit established patterns in the archaeological record. This article presents a detailed analysis of a stone stela discovered in non-professional circumstances on the Great Hungarian Plain. The stela’s engraved design, previously unknown in the regional archaeological record, closely resembles that of a slab in the Gavrinis passage grave in Bretagne, France. In addition to the provenance of the rock, our investigations specifically focused on the identification of the find context and the authenticity of the engravings. The results thus far support the engravings’ authenticity and suggest that the stela was removed from a Yamnaya kurgan and repurposed several millennia later. We argue that the Kevermes stela testifies to complex dynamics of long-distance mobility and cultural exchange in Europe during the late fourth and the first half of the third millennium BC.
1 Introduction
The human brain seeks existing and emerging patterns to comprehend the world and to decide and act accordingly (Reed, 1972). During the study of past societies, archaeologists follow a similar path. To understand the ancient past, pattern recognition in archaeology is a fundamental aspect of analysis as it enables scholars to identify and interpret relationships and trends in the archaeological record. Researchers utilize variations in these patterns to distinguish between different groups and recognize changes in behaviors over time. Typically, these patterns manifest through distinct spatial and temporal distributions of practices and material culture. Simply put, archaeologists look for familiar, recurring traits in the archaeological record, classify data or artifacts based on similarities and differences, and place them into historical and cultural contexts.
When an artifact does not align with established spatial and/or temporal patterns in the regional archaeological record, the analysis comes to a pause, and alternative approaches are considered to interpret this anomaly. To overcome spatial inconsistencies, interactions between groups are scrutinized, while conflicting temporality is often clarified by presenting evidence for reuse or redeposition.
This process is relatively straightforward when the artifact in question is recovered through a well-documented, professional excavation. However, further complications arise when the context of the controversial object is uncertain or unknown. In such cases, suspicions of forgery often swirl around. A notable example is the Nebra disc recovered by treasure hunters. As a result of uncertainties in find circumstances and a lack of analogies or identifiable traits placing it in the Early Bronze Age of Saxony-Anhalt, it was initially considered a potential fake before being accepted as a genuine find (for an overview, see Pernicka et al., 2020). Other examples, though, illustrate that skepticism is a reasonable approach toward artifacts that deviate from well-grounded spatial or temporal patterns. The Kensington Runestone from Minnesota, USA, which features fabricated Scandinavian runes (Hughey & Michlovic, 1989), and the so-called Ivory Pomegranate from Israel, where the inscription’s authenticity on an actual archaeological find remains uncertain, illustrate the need for caution in such cases (Ahituv et al., 2007).
In this article, we present the results of our field and laboratory research into a stone stela from southeastern Hungary. The engravings on this stela are unprecedented in the archaeological record of the broader region and its design closely resembles one found in Bretagne, France. Through our investigations, we have gathered evidence supporting the stela’s status as a genuine archaeological artifact and reconstructed a remarkable object biography. Concerning the engraved design, our studies have revealed no indications pointing to modern fabrication which would cast reasonable doubt about its authenticity. We argue that this unique design may be interpreted as compelling evidence for interactions between distant regions across Europe during the late fourth millennium BC and the first half of the third millennium BC.
1.1 The Stela and Its Find Circumstances
The artifact was found in southeastern Hungary, near the village of Kevermes in southern Békés County, during deep-plowing in 2001 or 2002 (Figure 1). The land that the object was found on is registered as an archaeological site and is known as Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II in the Hungarian National Museum Archaeological Database (Site ID: 97507).
Map of the Carpathian Basin, with Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II and other sites mentioned in the text. 1: Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II; 2: Mezőcsát-Hörcsögös; 3: Budapest-Káposztásmegyer; 4: Baia de Criş (Körösbánya); 5: Sárrétudvari-Őrhalom; 6: Balatonlelle-Rádpuszta; 7: Rajka.
After being further removed from the ground with a backhoe, the stela was placed in a nearby drainage ditch. In 2007, following a conversation with the landowner, József Kovács, a local history enthusiast, Mátyás Magyar, transported the object to his home. Subsequently, in 2008, archaeologists at the regional Munkácsy Mihály Museum in Békéscsaba (including two of the authors of this article, Bóka and Gyucha) were notified about the artifact by another resident of Kevermes. That same year, Bóka and Gyucha visited Mátyás Magyar to inspect and document the stela.
In 2013, Mátyás Magyar agreed to transfer the artifact to the Center of National Heritage Protection at the Hungarian National Museum (currently, Hungarian National Museum National Institute of Archaeology) for scientific analyses. In 2020, the stela became part of the Archaeological Collection of the Munkácsy Mihály Museum in Békéscsaba and has been on display in the museum’s permanent archaeological exhibition since 2021.
The stela’s raw material is a greenish-grey, greenish-black, foliated stone, with dimensions of 110‒112 cm in height and 48‒55 cm in width, tapering upward. A small section at the uppermost part of the stela broke off at an unknown date. While most of the stela’s surface is not worked, one side features a flat plane of schistose, and on this surface, a complex pattern of lines was engraved over an area of 25 cm × 44 cm (Figure 2).
The Kevermes stela (1) and Gavrinis orthostat no. 24 (2).
1.2 Research Goals and Questions
Because the engraved stela is a unique find on the Great Hungarian Plain and was not recovered during a professional excavation, over the course of our research, we placed a particular emphasis on the study of its authenticity. Specifically, our most important questions included (1) whether the find derives from an archaeological context, (2) whether the engravings were crafted in the archaeological past; thus, the design is authentic, and (3) if the answer to both previous questions is yes, how do we explain the occurrence of this unique find in the archaeological record of the Great Hungarian Plain.
1.3 Research Methods and Results
1.3.1 Identification and Potential Provenance of the Raw Material
Various methods were employed to characterize the raw material and identify the provenance of the stela. Three thin sections were analyzed from the stela using a polarizing microscope and a scanning electron microscope (SEM-EDS). These measurements were conducted at the Department of Petrology and Geochemistry, Eötvös Loránd University, using an AMRAY 1830 SEM equipped with an EDAX PV9800 energy-dispersive spectrometer. Conditions of analysis were as follows: accelerating potential: 20 kV; beam current: 1 nA; beam diameter: focused electron beam (∼50–100 nm); and measurement time: 100 s (livetime).
These thin sections included a parallel (Keve3), a perpendicular (Keve1), and one with an angle of 45° (Keve2) to the foliation. Additionally, two fragments of the stela (Keve1a and b and Keve2) were examined with prompt gamma neutron activation analysis (PGAA; Table 1). To provide a basis for comparison, 14 rock fragments from various sources in the Zaránd Mountains of the Apuseni Mountains, Romania, were analyzed from the Lithotheca collection of the Hungarian National Museum.
Elemental composition of the three samples from the Kevermes stela
| Sample | Keve2 | Keve1/a | Keve1/b |
|---|---|---|---|
| SiO2 | 48.61 | 50.87 | 39.51 |
| TiO2 | 0.71 | 0.69 | 0.66 |
| Al2O3 | 21.61 | 20.62 | 22.03 |
| Fe2O3* | 8.96 | 8.48 | 13.13 |
| MnO | 0.09 | 0.07 | 0.16 |
| MgO | 4.76 | 3.65 | <D.L. |
| CaO | 4.02 | 4.9 | 20.9 |
| Na2O | 3.87 | 4.99 | 0.74 |
| K2O | 4.89 | 3.66 | 0.33 |
| H2O | 2.44 | 2.04 | 2.45 |
| Total | 99.97 | 99.98 | 99.92 |
| B | 49 | 23 | 19 |
| Cl | 90 | 68 | 41 |
| Sc | 16 | 17 | 22 |
| Nd | 57 | 53 | 67 |
| Sm | 5 | 5 | 7 |
| Gd | 5 | 5 | 8 |
The concentration values and their relative and absolute uncertainties are given in m%, with ±1σ standard deviation. The major components are expressed in oxides, while the trace elements are in elemental forms.
*Total Fe as Fe2O3.
<D.L. = less than detection limit.
Macroscopically, the monolith is a foliated, very fine-grained metamorphic rock with inhomogeneous mineral composition, fabric, and crystal size. Diverse types of veins and nodules are present. The fabric can be characterized as granoblastic-lepidoblastic that locally contains relict minerals and maybe pseudomorphs (Figure 3). Based on the minerals within the fabric, the raw material can be identified as a greenschist facies metamorphic rock. While it was initially categorized as a greenschist (Bóka et al., 2021), a reevaluation is necessary due to the absence of amphiboles in the composition. The primary mineral composition of the stela consists of epidote-zoisite, albite, biotite, chlorite, phengite, and (titano)magnetite. Epidote-zoisite exhibits varying grain sizes, which emerge as pseudomorphs (saussurite) via the transformation of plagioclase feldspar and remnants of feldspar or mafic, rock-forming minerals like pyroxene, amphibole, or biotite. Relict feldspar still can be observed in traces and transformed into albite, a type of plagioclase feldspar. Feldspars may also appear in nodules as remnants of basic plagioclase pseudomorphs. Biotite, phengite, and chlorite show foliation, forming lenses and locally displaying a folded appearance. Apatite, zircon, and titanite inclusions in micas, along with opaque minerals, like titanomagnetite and rutile, are present in a low amount. The most recent mineral phase is chlorite, which cuts through the fabric elements and proves the occurrence of a subsequent retrograde metamorphic event (greenschist facies).
(a) Microstructure of the metamorphic rock in thin-section (Sample Keve1, 100×, CP) and (b) Provenance after Jensen (1976).
The PGAA was performed at the horizontal cold neutron guide of the Budapest Neutron Centre operated by the Centre for Energy Research. The thermal equivalent beam intensity was 9.6 × 107 cm−2 s−1. The samples were irradiated in a fixed position with a beam of 4 cm2. A calibrated HPGe-BGO detector was used to detect prompt-gamma photons, and the spectrum was collected for 6,200 s, with a 64k multichannel analyzer. Hypermet PC 5.01 software was utilized for evaluation (Fazekas et al., 1998; Révay, 2009; Szentmiklósi et al., 2010). The element identification was based on the reference PGAA library of the Centre (Révay et al., 2001). The quantitative determination of the elemental composition and the corresponding calculation of the uncertainties was carried out using ProSpeRo 5.3.0. software (Révay, 2009). PGAA is suitable for quantitative determination of the bulk composition of the irradiated volume. Major geochemical components of SiO2, TiO2, Al2O3, Na2O, K2O, CaO, MgO, Fe2O3, MnO, and H2O as well as trace elements of B, Cl, Sm, and Gd are detectable. Major components are expressed in oxide, and the traces are in elemental forms.
After comparing the compositions of the different Kevermes samples, it is evident that they share a considerable similarity with only minor variations (Table 1). Keve2 is representative of the general composition, whereas Keve1/a exhibits an enrichment in albite and Keve1/b contains a significant amount of epidote-zoisite. These variations highlight the previously mentioned heterogeneity in the mineral content. Most of the samples show calc-alkaline affinity (AFM diagram) and samples have intermediate protolith, such as andesite or basaltic andesite, according to the triangle plot after Jensen (1976).
The protolith of the stela was an alkaline mafic or intermediate-mafic (such as basalt, andesite, or basaltic andesite) pyroclastic rock. The elevated levels of Na, K, and Al, along with the inhomogeneous fabric, provide evidence supporting an explosive volcanic origin. This conclusion is drawn from the analysis of both petrography and PGAA.
The findings from these investigations prompted a reevaluation of the origin of the stela’s raw material, previously believed to be from the vicinity of the village of Cladova in the Zaránd Mountains, Romania (Bóka et al., 2021). While greenschist facies metamorphic rocks similar to the stela’s material are present to the north, in the Carpathian-Pannonian region, and more specifically in eastern Hungary (Felsőcsatár), the central western Carpathians (Pezinok), and Moravia (e.g., Želešice and Železný Brod, Czech Republic), these rocks typically contain amphiboles (Szakmány & Kasztovszky, 2004), making them improbable candidates as the raw material for the Kevermes stela. Furthermore, the 14 petrographically analyzed samples from the Zaránd Mountains exhibited remarkable differences in terms of fabric and mineral composition compared to the stela’s material. Similarly, in Romania, east of the Great Hungarian Plain, the Biharia Autochton, the Biharia nappe, the Biharia metamorphic complex, and the Codru nappe were also ruled out as potential sources for the Kevermes stela. Although these are metamorphic rocks, their mineral compositions and fabrics vary significantly from the stela’s material (Balintoni et al., 2002; Ionescu & Hoeck, 2010; Seghedi et al., 2001). The samples that we collected from 27 sources in the Mureş/Maros Valley and the Southern Carpathians in Romania in 2014 did not yield any matches either (see Bóka et al., 2021). Southeastern sources, such as the Papuk-, Psunj-, and Krdija Mountains in Croatia (Balen et al., 2013, 2017), can also be excluded due to differences in fabrics and composition. Although Antonović et al. (2005) identified rocks resembling the Kevermes stela in archaeological tools from the Vinča and Belovode sites in Serbia, the geological sources of these rocks were not specified. Furthermore, in western Macedonia and the Serbo-Macedonian Mass (SMM), there are potential raw materials with similar mineral composition (Jurkovic, 2005; Pamić & Jurkovic, 2005; Šoster et al., 2020; Vasković & Matović, 2010; Vasković, 2001).
In summary, our efforts to determine the source of the stela’s raw material and other greenschist-like artifacts at the Kevermes site have yielded inconclusive results. Nevertheless, it is most probable that they originated from the SMM. Our rationale is based on the fact that the upper part of the SMM, specifically the Vlasina series, contains greenschists, albite-white mica-chlorite, and white-mica-chlorite schists that exhibit similarities to the composition of the Kevermes stela. It is important to note, though, that they have fewer epidote and biotite, and also include some garnets (Jurkovic, 2005; Pamić & Jurkovic, 2005; Šoster et al., 2020; Vasković & Matović, 2010; Vasković, 2001).
1.3.2 Identification and Dating of the Find Context
At Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II, from 2013 to 2021, we utilized various field methods to pinpoint the stela’s find context. With the finder’s assistance, we relocated the recovery spot with an accuracy of approximately 50 m in diameter. The following section presents the relevant details of these field investigations, the key findings, and the outcomes of the associated laboratory analyses; for more detailed information on field methods and results, refer to Bóka et al. (2021).
The surface surveys at the site had a dual objective: (1) to recover rock fragments potentially linked to the stela’s context and use their spatial distribution to refine the find location and (2) to collect additional archaeological artifacts from the site to determine the temporal aspect of the stela’s find context. The surveys recovered a considerable number of greenish rock fragments similar to the stela’s material that were distributed across approximately 70 m in diameter, with a particular concentration covering about 1,000 m2. Apart from a few non-diagnostic prehistoric sherds, we found a significant number of ceramics dating to the Sarmatian period of the Great Hungarian Plain (ca. the second to the fifth century AD).
Geophysical prospection at Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II focused primarily on the distribution of the greenschist-like pieces identified during surface surveys to detect features potentially associated with the stela. The methods employed included ground-penetrating radar (MALA GX 450HDR GPR, grid density: 0.5 m) and magnetometry (SENSYS DLM 5-channel fluxgate magnetometer, grid density: 0.5 m). While GPR did not reveal archaeological features, the magnetometric survey identified historic roads and numerous scattered anomalies, most of which could be interpreted as pit features. Expanding the magnetometry survey to a larger area uncovered multiple circular ditches approximately 15–20 m in diameter (Figure 4). These features are located on an east–west-oriented ridge around 100–125 m north-northwest of the assumed find spot of the stela. These anomalies suggest the presence of a Sarmatian cemetery, where ditches enclosed the central burials and small earthen mounds were placed over them (e.g., Bârcă, 2020; Kőhegyi & Vörös, 2011; Kulchar, 1997).
Topographic contour lines, magnetometry results, excavated trenches, and the location of Feature K005 at Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II. Note the magnetometric anomalies of circular ditches related to a Sarmation cemetery at the northern edge of the studied area.
Based on the findings from surface and magnetometry surveys, along with coring activities that targeted magnetic anomalies, excavations were conducted over a 30 m × 30 m area to identify the archaeological context of the stela (Figure 4). In the central block (Trench 5), we exposed a pit (K005) containing a weathered greenschist-like layer at its base (Figure 5). The dimensions of this layer, coupled with loose fill indicating recent backfilling, strongly suggested that we uncovered the negative imprint of the stela. While several additional greenschist-like fragments were retrieved in the other exposed trenches, including some from closed Sarmatian features and undisturbed cultural layers dating to the same period, no other archaeological features potentially associated with the stela were recovered during the excavation.
Photo of the greenschist-like layer in Feature K005.
Laboratory analyses confirmed the identification of the stela’s find spot and clarified the absolute date of the context. To compare the chemical composition of the stela and the greenschist-like samples from pit K005, PGAA was conducted at the Budapest Research Centre. The results indicate a remarkably similar composition of the analyzed samples (Table 2), offering direct evidence supporting the stela’s find location. Furthermore, a small bone fragment was gathered immediately beneath the greenschist layer in the K005 pit for AMS dating. The radiocarbon age of the bone sample, analyzed at the Center for Applied Isotopic Studies at the University of Georgia (# 57647), is 1830 ± 20 years BP. Utilizing intcal20.14c (Reimer et al., 2020), the sample dates to 202–243 cal AD (1 sigma), suggesting that the stela was placed in its find location during the Sarmatian period.
Bulk elemental composition of the Kevermes samples measured by PGAA
| Element | DET. LIM./m% | Concentr./m% | Rel. Unc./% | Abs. Unc./± |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| H2O | 0.03 | 2.67 | 1.4 | 0.04 |
| Na2O | 0.7 | 3.88 | 2.1 | 0.08 |
| MgO | 1.5 | 4.7 | 6. | 0.3 |
| Al2O3 | 1.5 | 21.6 | 1.6 | 0.3 |
| SiO2 | 0.9 | 48.7 | 1.2 | 0.6 |
| K2O | 0.09 | 5.7 | 2.2 | 0.1 |
| CaO | 0.4 | 3.7 | 2.6 | 0.1 |
| TiO2 | 0.03 | 0.73 | 2.3 | 0.02 |
| MnO | 0.01 | 0.079 | 3.4 | 0.003 |
| Fe2O3t | 0.13 | 8.2 | 2.2 | 0.2 |
| B | 0.00005 | 0.0122 | 1.3 | 0.0002 |
| Cl | 0.002 | 0.0069 | 6. | 0.0004 |
| Nd | 0.008 | 0.0048 | 12. | 0.0006 |
| Sm | 0.00003 | 0.00171 | 1.9 | 0.00003 |
| Gd | 0.00002 | 0.00065 | 11. | 0.00007 |
The concentrations and the detection limits are given in m%.
1.3.3 Identification and Chronological Position of the Original Context
The excavation results and the radiocarbon date provide confirmation that when discovered in the early 2000s, the stela was removed from a pit belonging to a Sarmatian village that was occupied in the first half of the third century AD. However, the absence of stone stela and motifs similar to those on the artifact in the Sarmatian archaeological record of the Great Hungarian Plain suggests that this village was not the object’s original context.
Stone stelae that have been recovered in the eastern Carpathian Basin date from the Late Copper Age to the early phase of the Bronze Age, between approximately 3300 and 2500 BC. Alongside a non-decorated artifact found at the northern edge of the Great Hungarian Plain at the Baden cemetery of Mezőcsát-Hörcsögös (Kalicz, 1999), these stelae exhibit engraved anthropomorphic features. A stela from Budapest-Káposztásmegyer, unearthed in a settlement context near pits with human and animal remains, portrays a stylized human face and also can be attributed to the Baden culture (Endrődi, 1995). Anthropomorphic stelae from Yamnaya mortuary contexts in western Transylvania showcase depictions of clothing and weaponry (Ciugudean, 2011; Gogâltan, 2016). Drawing parallels with contemporaneous analogies in the North Pontic region, where hundreds of similar finds have been recorded, it is likely that these stelae served as tombstones, typically positioned atop burial mounds or kurgans (Figure 6; Gogâltan, 2021). In Transylvania, four out of the eight presently known stelae were unearthed at Baia de Criş/Körösbánya in the Mureș/Maros Valley, about 150 km east of Kevermes (Chintăuan, 2007; Rişcuţa, 2001). In the broader region, stelae resembling those found in Transylvania have been identified in Yamnaya kurgans in Dobrudja and Bulgaria (Bobčeva, 1967; Telegin, 1998). The raw materials used for crafting these stelae were locally available or obtained from nearby sources.
Stelae from Yamnaya contexts. 1: Baia de Criş (after Ciugudean, 2011, Plate 14/1), 2: Ciceu-Mihăeşti (after Ciugudean, 2011, Plate 15/1), 3: Yezerovo (after Telegin & Mallory, 1994, Figure 13/2), 4: Novocherkassk (after Telegin & Mallory, 1994, Figure 5/3), 5: Belogrudovka (after Telegin & Mallory, 1994, Figure 1/2), 6: Hamangia (after Telegin & Mallory, 1994, Figure 11/2), 7: Velikaya Aleksandrovka (after Daragan et al., 2021, Figures 14, 20), 8: Usatovo (after Daragan et al., 2021, Figure 33).
Overall, stone stelae found in the eastern Carpathian Basin and adjacent regions served as items of funerary paraphernalia, and the Kevermes stela may have played a similar role as well. Regarding the stela’s cultural affiliation, because stone stelae have been found at Baden sites on the Great Hungarian Plain, we cannot categorically rule out this connection. However, several factors point toward a stronger link with the Yamnaya culture. First, the majority of stone stelae in the eastern Carpathian Basin have been unearthed from Yamnaya contexts. Second, despite extensive farming, many burial mounds, similar in size and morphology to excavated Yamnaya kurgans, remain visible in the Kevermes microregion (Figure 7). While above-ground mortuary structures associated with the Baden culture are present throughout and beyond the Carpathian Basin, they typically are much smaller than those of their Yamnaya counterparts, and no stelae have been recovered from those contexts (Sachsse, 2012). Finally, there is no evidence of Baden sites in the vicinity of the stela’s discovery.
Registered Yamnaya kurgans in the Kevermes microregion.
Like other kurgans in the microregion, the kurgan that may have contained the Kevermes stela likely was situated on an elevated terrain, along an ancient Maros River tributary. It is conceivable that this kurgan was built on the ridge north-northwest of the stela’s find location, where we identified a Sarmatian cemetery through magnetic prospection (Figure 4). Sarmatians not only buried their dead into Yamnaya kurgans on the Great Hungarian Plain (e.g., Ecsedy, 1979) but also destroyed and looted them (Dani et al., 2017). At Kevermes, they might have ransacked the kurgan, and for the construction of the small mounds over the deceased’s burials, they likely reutilized the kurgan’s sediment. It seems improbable that the stela would have remained undisturbed for approximately 3,000 years if it had been standing exposed on top of the kurgan. Therefore, the Sarmatians may have found the stela within the kurgan, likely at its base, and moved it to its find spot in their nearby village, where it was intentionally preserved, elevated, and repurposed for display.
The kurgan with the stela at Kevermes may have included additional stone elements repurposed for daily use by the Sarmatian villagers, suggested by the abundance of scattered greenschist-like fragments recovered at Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II during surface collection and excavation. While stone structures have not been uncovered in Yamnaya contexts on the Great Hungarian Plain, stone layers and stone circles have been found in numerous kurgans throughout the Yamnaya complex’s geographic distribution (Daragan et al., 2021). This includes Transylvania, where stone stelae were also recovered from these contexts (Ciugudean, 2011; Frînculeasa et al., 2015; Gogâltan, 2016).
The primary use of the stela as a tombstone at Kevermes can be placed within a broad chronological framework. As indicated by an increasing number of radiocarbon dates, in the eastern Carpathian Basin and the neighboring regions, kurgans were constructed and utilized by Yamnaya communities from the last centuries of the fourth to the middle of the third millennium BC, with the majority built between 2900 and 2600 BC (Anthony, 2021; Dani & Horváth, 2012; Diaconescu, 2020; Frînculeasa, 2021; Frînculeasa et al., 2015; Heyd, 2011; Preda-Bălănică, 2021; Rişcuţa, 2001).
1.3.4 The Design and Its Analogies
As demonstrated above, while the Kevermes stela stands out as an unusual find on the Great Hungarian Plain, its interpretation aligns most closely with Yamnaya mortuary traditions, and, as a result of our investigations, its object biography can be reconstructed fairly precisely. What renders the Kevermes stela truly unique, and potentially contentious, is the intricate engraved design on its surface. This design, both in its entirety and in its individual components, has no parallel in the archaeological record of the Great Hungarian Plain and its adjacent regions. Although engraved and painted geometric motifs on stone slabs have been documented from Yamnaya mortuary contexts in the North Pontic steppe region of eastern Europe (for a summary, see Daragan et al., 2021), those motifs do not resemble the design on the Kevermes stela.
However, a remarkably similar engraved design is evident on a vertical slab nearly 2,000 km away in Bretagne, France. Orthostat no. 24 (L6) in the megalithic passage tomb of Gavrinis shares the majority of motifs featured on the Kevermes stela, albeit in a somewhat different spatial arrangement (Figure 2; Le Roux, 1995, 2006; Twohig, 1981, Figure 110‒22). The construction of the tomb at Gavrinis may have commenced as early as the end of the fifth millennium BC, and while it was previously argued that the entrance was sealed around 3000 BC, its use might have persisted until the middle of the third millennium BC (Cassen et al., 2014, 2016; Le Roux, 1985; Schulz Paulsson, 2017, p. 65). At Newgrange, where several motifs similar to those of orthostat no. 24 at Gavrinis occur in remarkably complex layouts, the construction of the passage tomb took place between 3200 and 3000 BC. Funerary activities at Newgrange likely concentrated during this period, but like Gavrinis, the site might have remained in use until the mid-third millennium BC (Lynch, 2014; O’Kelly, 1969, 1972). Radiocarbon dates from other contexts in western and northern Europe displaying some of the design elements documented at Gavrinis place their use in the late fourth millennium BC (e.g., Ausevik: Burenhult, 2001, p. 55, Figure 1; Lødøen, 2014; Lougchrew: Bradley, 2007, p. 105, Figure 3.9; O’Sullivan, 2005; Twohig et al., 2010).
The shared engraved motifs at these sites imply the presence of a complex narrative that transcended communities across a vast region in western and northern Europe for several hundred years during the fourth and third millennium BC. The Kevermes stela may offer the first evidence indicating that this narrative also reached eastern central Europe.
1.3.5 Investigations Into the Authenticity of the Design
The possibility of forgery arises among potential interpretations for the close similarities between the designs on Gavrinis orthostat no. 24 and the Kevermes stela, driven by three main factors: (1) the absence of analogous motifs in the archaeological record of the Carpathian Basin and neighboring regions; (2) the lack of similar motifs, especially in terms of complexity, in the archaeological record spanning the nearly 2,000 km-wide area between Kevermes on the Great Hungarian Plain and Gavrinis in Bretagne; and (3) the Kevermes object was not discovered through a professional excavation. In the process of scrutinizing the authenticity of the Kevermes stela, our focus particularly centered on two key questions: (1) whether the stone was transported to Kevermes and the motifs recently created or (2) if the transportation and the stela’s original use occurred in the archaeological past, with the motifs only added more recently. We operated under the assumption that if the find was recently fabricated, Gavrinis orthostat no. 24 served as the template.
The scenario suggesting that the stone was recently transported to Kevermes was disproven by the excavation results and radiocarbon data from Kevermes-Kopolya dűlő II. The radiocarbon sample obtained from the closed context of pit K005 signifies that the stone was brought to the Great Hungarian Plain at least approximately 1,750 years ago. However, as previously discussed, the primary use of the stela, and thus, its transportation to the area, likely dates to the Late Copper Age or Early Bronze Age.
To address the possibility of the recent fabrication of the motifs, we conducted manufacturing technological and geochemical analyses. The technological analysis raised concerns about the lighter appearance of the engravings compared to the darker body of the stela, suggesting that they may not have aged at the same rate on the ground. This led to the question of whether the engraved design might be a relatively recent addition. In our investigation, a literature review was conducted, revealing that comparable differences between engraved and non-engraved areas on rock art, megaliths, and other stone artifacts, originating from secure contexts, are evident in numerous instances. These variations may be associated with the physical attributes of the raw materials and environmental factors to which these finds have been exposed and can affect engravings differently even at the same site (e.g., Guagnin et al., 2017; Nash, 2022, p. 28, Figure 2; Watson, 2022, p. 78, Figure 2). Therefore, the lighter appearance of the engravings on the Kevermes stela alone cannot be taken as evidence of recent fabrication.
The results of geochemical investigations suggest that the engravings may not have a modern origin. Inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometer (ICP-MS) analysis of samples taken from both the engravings and the non-decorated rear side of the stela aimed to scrutinize whether modern metal tools were used in creating the design. We assumed that if modern metal tools had been used to carve the stela, trace elements indicative of modern tools and detectable by ICP-MS would have been left behind. Moreover, these trace elements would be found on the front of the stela in the engravings but not on the back of the stela, which was not carved.
The analysis was performed at the Keck Center for Instrumental and Biochemical Comparative Archaeology at Millsaps College using a Varian 820. Five rock fragments were ground in an agate mortar, dissolved in 6 mL hydrofluoric acid and 3 mL nitric acid, heated to 180°C in an ETHOS E2 microwave digestion chamber, cooled, and reheated following the addition of 25 mL of 3% boric acid. Clay standards (NIST 657) were used to check the accuracy and reproducibility of the digestion procedure. Digested samples were introduced into the machine’s nebulizer by a Varian SPS-3 auto sampler and a three-channel peristaltic pump. A quadrupole mass filter was used to separate the final ions based on their mass-to-charge ratio. Two liquid samples from a hydrochloric acid wash of the front and back of the stela were directly introduced into the ICP-MS, without the need for digestion.
Results from the ICP-MS accord well with the PGAA results for similarly analyzed elements (refer to Table 2). The rock exhibits relatively elevated levels of Al2O3 and Fe2O3 t, with lesser amounts of B, Na2O, MgO, and MnO. The samples were not analyzed for water, SiO2, CaO, or TiO2. The liquid samples analyzed do not provide any indication that the stela was carved using modern tools and is, therefore, not likely to be a forgery (Table 3). The wash from the carved front of the stone is compositionally similar to that from the uncarved back of the stone. Of those elements added to stainless steel as alloys (e.g., P, V, Cr, MnO, Ni, and Cu), none show higher concentrations on the carved front compared to the back. While the wash from the front does exhibit a slightly higher Fe content than the back (i.e., 119847.4 ppb versus 87724.14 ppb), this is likely within the normal variation of the compositionally heterogeneous rock’s Fe content.
Results of ICP-MS analysis of five rock samples (a–e) and two acid washes (f and g) from the front and back of the stone
| (a) Sample Keve1 | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Mg24 | 12011330 | % Mg24 | 9.72 |
| Al27 | 58736560 | % Al27 | 47.51 |
| Mn55 | 439697.7 | % Mn55 | 0.36 |
| Cr52 | 120.1069 | % Cr52 | 0.00 |
| V51 | 42883.92 | % V51 | 0.03 |
| Ce140 | 7252.496 | % Ce140 | 0.01 |
| Rb85 | 107348.5 | % Rb85 | 0.09 |
| Sr88 | 471468.7 | % Sr88 | 0.38 |
| Fe56 | 51807990 | % Fe56 | 41.91 |
| Ga71 | 0 | % Ga71 | 0.00 |
| As75 | 0 | % As75 | 0.00 |
| 123624651.4 |
| (b) Sample Keve2 | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Mg24 | 6265355 | % Mg24 | 5.89 |
| Al27 | 59221830 | % Al27 | 55.71 |
| Mn55 | 243370.8 | % Mn55 | 0.23 |
| Cr52 | 8664.07 | % Cr52 | 0.01 |
| V51 | 30393.21 | % V51 | 0.03 |
| Ce140 | 53306.09 | % Ce140 | 0.05 |
| Rb85 | 61770.36 | % Rb85 | 0.06 |
| Sr88 | 130392.1 | % Sr88 | 0.12 |
| Fe56 | 40297280 | % Fe56 | 37.90 |
| Ga71 | 0 | % Ga71 | 0.00 |
| As75 | 0 | % As75 | 0.00 |
| 106312361.6 |
| (c) Hungary 1 | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Mg24 | 752025.4 | % Mg24 | 0.47 |
| Al27 | 1.08E × 108 | % Al27 | 67.56 |
| Mn55 | 1095299 | % Mn55 | 0.69 |
| Cr52 | 81662.42 | % Cr52 | 0.05 |
| V51 | 223336.5 | % V51 | 0.14 |
| Ce140 | 42483.13 | % Ce140 | 0.03 |
| Rb85 | 2732.501 | % Rb85 | 0.00 |
| Sr88 | 1820081 | % Sr88 | 1.14 |
| Fe56 | 47685010 | % Fe56 | 29.86 |
| Ga71 | 52034.86 | % Ga71 | 0.03 |
| As75 | 51312.6 | % As75 | 0.03 |
| 159685977.4 |
| (d) Hungary 2 | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Mg24 | 20341170 | % Mg24 | 11.99 |
| Al27 | 94805290 | % Al27 | 55.86 |
| Mn55 | 470870.9 | % Mn55 | 0.28 |
| Cr52 | 84848.36 | % Cr52 | 0.05 |
| V51 | 112680.4 | % V51 | 0.07 |
| Ce140 | 56415.07 | % Ce140 | 0.03 |
| Rb85 | 96587.34 | % Rb85 | 0.06 |
| Sr88 | 260974 | % Sr88 | 0.15 |
| Fe56 | 53449560 | % Fe56 | 31.49 |
| Ga71 | 22476.98 | % Ga71 | 0.01 |
| As75 | 7364.107 | % As75 | 0.00 |
| 169708237.2 |
| (e) Hungary 3 | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Mg24 | 16525350 | % Mg24 | 10.07 |
| Al27 | 1.04 × 108 | % Al27 | 63.65 |
| Mn55 | 484416.9 | % Mn55 | 0.30 |
| Cr52 | 97756.98 | % Cr52 | 0.06 |
| V51 | 99249.05 | % V51 | 0.06 |
| Ce140 | 47367.52 | % Ce140 | 0.03 |
| Rb85 | 107348.5 | % Rb85 | 0.07 |
| Sr88 | 321200.5 | % Sr88 | 0.20 |
| Fe56 | 41920460 | % Fe56 | 25.56 |
| Ga71 | 19298.38 | % Ga71 | 0.01 |
| As75 | 7167.408 | % As75 | 0.00 |
| 164029615.2 |
| (f) Kevermes solution front | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Mg24 | 65090.53 | % Mg24 | 21.02 |
| Al27 | 123500.8 | % Al27 | 39.89 |
| Mn55 | 30086.15 | % Mn55 | 9.72 |
| Cr52 | 184.0591 | % Cr52 | 0.06 |
| V51 | 97.9708 | % V51 | 0.03 |
| Ce140 | 429.381 | % Ce140 | 0.14 |
| Rb85 | 123.7348 | % Rb85 | 0.04 |
| Sr88 | 1766.506 | % Sr88 | 0.57 |
| Fe56 | 87724.14 | % Fe56 | 28.33 |
| Ga71 | 21.0413 | % Ga71 | 0.01 |
| As75 | 584.889 | % As75 | 0.19 |
| 309609.202 | |||
| (g) Kevermes solution back | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Mg24 | 31852.46 | % Mg24 | 11.38 |
| Al27 | 119560.5 | % Al27 | 42.70 |
| Mn55 | 5770.276 | % Mn55 | 2.06 |
| Cr52 | 178.7104 | % Cr52 | 0.06 |
| V51 | 0 | % V51 | 0.00 |
| Ce140 | 273.8365 | % Ce140 | 0.10 |
| Rb85 | 46.1694 | % Rb85 | 0.02 |
| Sr88 | 1714.628 | % Sr88 | 0.61 |
| Fe56 | 119887.4 | % Fe56 | 42.82 |
| Ga71 | 19.5901 | % Ga71 | 0.01 |
| As75 | 687.3456 | % As75 | 0.25 |
| 279990.916 | |||
Raw data in ppb and as percentages for 11 metals. Note that the percentage values add up to 100 but do not include other bulk elements like silica.
Moreover, in preparation for the ICP-MS study, we identified a crust, approximately 0.1–0.05 cm thick and composed of CaCO3, on the grooves of the carved motifs. The presence of this calcite layer suggests that, first, the stela was exposed to groundwater and its pH fluctuations over an extended period and, second, the engravings predate the formation of this crust. These findings strongly argue against the possibility of recent workmanship for the carvings.
To further investigate the authenticity of the design and determine the potential manufacturing tools and techniques used to create the motifs, we employed macroscopic analysis and high-resolution three-dimensional imaging (for details concerning methodology, see Bóka et al., 2021). The technological investigations ruled out the use of modern high-speed metal tools, such as an angle grinder, and suggested that a pointed hand tool was used perpendicularly to process the surface of the stela. This observation aligns well with the general assumption that most stone carving in the Neolithic through the Bronze Age would have been done by flaking, pounding, and abrading (Craddock, 2009, p. 245). The identification of the raw material of the tool proved challenging, even bone or antler could have been utilized on the relatively soft stone. The technological investigations also highlighted the remarkably precise and nearly flawless elaboration of the punctuated design, leading to the conclusion that a highly skilled and proficient individual crafted the engravings (Figure 8). To our knowledge, among those individuals who had access to the stela between the time of its discovery and its professional documentation, no one possesses a similar level of expertise in stone and/or woodworking.
Details of punctuation in carved lines in a high-resolution macro photo.
Additional material and archaeological factors supporting the authenticity of the engravings on the Kevermes stela include (1) the presence of the flat plane of schistose, for which the stone may have been deliberately chosen and transported to the Great Hungarian Plain for creating the design; (2) the observation that the motifs and their layouts differ somewhat between the Kevermes stela and Gavrinis orthostat no. 24; and (3) the fact that while other objects made from the same raw material, likely originating from the same locale, were chopped and utilized for practical purposes, the stela remained intact and was prominently displayed at the Sarmatian settlement, likely due to the pre-existing design on it.
Forgery is unlikely due to several other, non-material and non-archaeological factors as well. The person who alerted the archaeologists at the Munkácsy Mihály Museum about the stela was not Mátyás Magyar, the individual who owned it for years. Over the past 15 years, Mr. Magyar has actively collaborated with specialists, allowed analyses of the stela, and ultimately donated it to the Munkácsy Mihály Museum. Fabricators of alleged archaeological artifacts are typically driven by specific motives, such as financial gain, advancing a historical narrative, or seeking self-promotion and prestige (Craddock, 2009; Feder, 2017). However, none of these motivations can be attributed to Mr. Magyar or any other individuals who had access to the stela after its recovery. Throughout numerous discussions with these individuals in the past 15 years, no conflicting information has ever emerged.
2 How Did the Motifs Find Their Way to the Great Hungarian Plain?
Having established a high likelihood of the engravings on the Kevermes stela being authentic, we can now focus on examining the potential underlying mechanisms that may have accounted for the occurrence of the unique design on the Great Hungarian Plain. This analysis is crucial to further explore the Kevermes find’s authenticity.
To reiterate, the Kevermes stela was most likely part of a Yamnaya kurgan, with a slight possibility of having belonged to an unknown Baden context, and can be dated to between the late fourth and the first half of the third millennium BC. The use of Gavrinis and other sites in western and northern Europe with similar engraved designs temporally overlap with the presumed timeframe for the creation and primary use of the Kevermes stela. Nonetheless, these finds embody two remote and distinct cultural traditions – specifically, the megalithic tradition of the Atlantic coast and the tradition of single-grave kurgan burials originating from the East European steppe region.
The end of the fourth millennium and the first centuries of the third millennium BC coincide with what Heyd refers to as “Europe’s great transformations” (2019, p. 128). This period signifies an era when people, objects, and ideas traveled across extensive regions, reshaping the demographic and cultural landscape of Europe.
A growing body of evidence from paleogenetic, isotopic, and archaeological studies highlights an unprecedented level of human mobility across the continent around and after 3000 BC. Interpretations concerning the triggers, forms, and scales of population movements involve various factors, some of which are notoriously difficult to explore archaeologically, including expectations dictated by social norms, pressures linked to demographic, political, economic, or environmental conditions, and gradual territorial expansion or relatively rapid invasion leading to almost complete population replacement (Furholt, 2018; Heyd, 2017, 2019; Klejn et al., 2018; Kristiansen & Larsson, 2005; Kristiansen et al., 2017; Müller, 2013, 2021). Concerning trans-regional mobility, based primarily on paleogenetic studies, there is widespread agreement among researchers that successive waves of smaller or larger groups moved from the East European steppe region to central and northern Europe. These movements unfolded over the course of several centuries and included the Yamnaya from around 3100 BC and the genetically related Corded Ware Complex from approximately 2900 BC (Buchvaldek & Strahm, 1992; Egfjord et al., 2021; Haak et al., 2015; Heyd, 2011, 2013; Lazaridis et al., 2022). While the predominant trend appears to have been the immigration of people from east to west, recent genetic studies also suggest west-to-east population movements, such as the migration of central European farmers to the steppe region (Nordqvist & Heyd, 2020; Wang et al., 2019).
In the context of smaller geographic scales, the third millennium BC witnessed a multi-directional movement of peoples. Paleogenetic research has confirmed that the spread of steppe-related ancestry extended beyond central and northern Europe, manifesting in numerous regions across the continent, including Great Britain and Ireland (Allentoft et al., 2015; Mathieson et al., 2018; Olalde et al., 2018; Papac et al., 2021). Additionally, strontium isotopic studies revealed regular and widespread patterns of human mobility between different regions throughout Europe. These patterns are attributed to factors such as residential mobility, the exchange of marriage partners, and variations in subsistence practices (Brandt et al., 2015; Fitzpatrick, 2011; Gerling et al., 2012; Irrgeher et al., 2012; Parker Pearson et al., 2016; Szczepanek et al., 2018; Vander Linden, 2007; Villalba-Mouco et al., 2018). As a result, the cohabitation of regions by people of diverse origins and cultural traditions emerged as a common phenomenon across many parts of the continent (Bátora, 2021; Furholt, 2020; Gogâltan, 2021; Kalicz, 1998; Kolář, 2018; Lemercier, 2018; Papac et al., 2021).
In addition to instigating fundamental population genetic and cultural transformations in Europe, the increased mobility during this era had significant geodemographic and social consequences. The expanding pastoralists of the Corded Ware Complex ventured into and utilized previously uninhabited regions across central and northern Europe to establish and exploit grazing lands for their herds (Haak et al., 2023). These processes eventually led to the connection of formerly isolated communities, resulting in genetic admixture and the establishment of new, or the intensification of pre-existing, regional alliance systems and supra-regional interactions (Furholt, 2021; Kristiansen, 2014, 2022; Sjögren et al., 2020). Consequently, these pastoralists essentially “connected the dots” between many regions, and social networks developed on an unprecedented, quasi-continental scale during the initial centuries of the third millennium BC. As evidenced by data on the high level and various scales of mobility, this interconnected world was characterized by permeable social boundaries.
The Bell Beaker phenomenon across Europe, with its patchy distribution across vast regions, stands out as the most visible archaeological evidence of the fluid nature of social boundaries during this period. The Bell Beaker tradition reached its easternmost distribution in Hungary and Poland by no later than around 2500 BC and co-existed with local Early Bronze Age cultures, such as the late Yamnaya and Trzciniec (Burgess & Shennan, 1976; Czebreszuk, 2004; Kalicz-Schreiber, 1976; Makarowicz, 2003, 2010). Bell Beaker sites provide evidence for population movement at regional and, similar to the patterns observed with the Yamnaya and Corded Ware, supra-regional scales, forging genetic and cultural links with other communities (Allentoft et al., 2015; Heyd, 2019; Knipper et al., 2017; Sjögren et al., 2020). Whether resulting from demographic expansion, cultural diffusion, or a combination of both (Brotherton et al., 2013; Desideri, 2011; Harrison & Heyd, 2007; Olalde et al., 2018; Price et al., 2004; Vander Linden, 2007), the rapid spread of the Bell Beaker phenomenon throughout much of the continent testifies to immensely interconnected regional networks at their peak in the second quarter of the third millennium BC (Gibson, 2019; Kleijne, 2019). It is noteworthy that these networks likely were not originally established by Bell Beaker communities; instead, due to processes described earlier, most may have formed over the preceding centuries. These prior developments, therefore, enabled the rapid spread of the Bell Beaker tradition throughout Europe.
The spatial distribution of raw materials and finished products in Europe reveals patterns that also underscore the co-emergence, as well as mutually reinforcing effects, of permeable social boundaries and increased degree of mobility during the late fourth and the early centuries of the third millennium BC. These patterns testify to contact systems operating at various geographic scales, encompassing interactions between adjacent regions as well as connections between distant lands, such as the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea (Szmyt, 2018), and Iberia and Ireland (Burenhult, 2001). These networks facilitated the circulation of raw materials, including copper (Dani & Tóth, 2014), Mediterranean shells (Borrello et al., 2002), and somewhat later, Baltic amber (Heyd, 2007). Additionally, they played a crucial role in the production and distribution of certain object types across large, culturally diverse areas (Heyd, 2007; Pétrequin et al., 2007; Rodríguez-Rellán, Rodríguez, & Lozano, 2015).
Along with people and goods, the interregional networks and fluid social boundaries across Europe promoted the circulation of transformative ideas during this period. Knowledge transfer encompassed the spread of metallurgy (Bátora, 2003; Dani & Kulcsár, 2021; Dani, 2013; Heyd & Walker, 2014; Heyd, 2013) and major innovations that fundamentally reshaped the prehistoric world, such as the wheel, wheeled vehicles, and domesticated woolly sheep (Anthony, 2007; Bondár, 2018; Burmeister, 2017; Childe, 1951; Fansa & Burmeister, 2004; Frachetti, 2012; Hansen, 2014; Harding, 2007; Kristiansen, 2014; Laubaune, 2013; Sherratt, 1981; Vosteen, 1999). While research on the origins and timing of horse domestication remains inconclusive (Anthony, 2023; Fages et al., 2019; Levine, 1999; Librado et al., 2021; Outram et al., 2009; Trautmann et al., 2023), it is plausible that by no later than the later centuries of the first half of the third millennium BC, domesticated horses were commonly used in Europe. The wheeled vehicles, complemented by wooden trackways built for them (Bondár, 2023), and eventually the use of horses for traction had a profound impact on how people perceived travel, transportation, interaction, and mobility. As highlighted by Bondár (2018, p. 283), this transformation rendered “Distance was no longer an insurmountable obstacle,” promoting “cultural contacts between distant communities,” including the exchange of knowledge about remote regions and “the lifeways, customs and beliefs of their inhabitants.”
The archaeological record also indicates that during the late fourth and the first centuries of the third millennium BC, worldviews, religious beliefs, cosmological values, and associated narratives were also distributed across vast areas of the continent. Notable examples include common symbols found on megaliths in southern, western, and northern Europe, reflecting shared traditions along a south-north axis (Bradley, 2007; Schulz Paulsson, 2017). The spread of certain ceremonial customs and symbols, such as individual-focused funerary practices, representations of weapons on megaliths and stone stelae, and the presence of weapons in male burials for the first time in the history of central and western Europe, signaling an emerging warrior-centered ideology, might have been related to immigrant groups of steppe ancestry from the east (Furholt, 2020; Harrison & Heyd, 2007; Lemercier, 2018; Vierzig, 2020). Johannsen and Laursen (2010) argue for a shared ideology associated with wheeled vehicles on a cross-continental scale, expressed in mortuary practices during the late fourth and early third millennium BC. With the Bell Beaker phenomenon unfolding in the second quarter of the third millennium BC, another ideological and value system, moving from west to east and embraced by groups with both local and migrant backgrounds, occurred across Europe (Harrison & Heyd, 2007). Certain objects in the archaeological record from various regions of the continent are seen as carriers of supraregional symbols (Gibson, 2019; Heyd, 2007). Several researchers contend that specialist individuals, including traders, craftsmen, priests, and warriors (Bátora, 2003; Burenhult, 2001; Dani, 2013; Harrison & Heyd, 2007; Kristiansen, 2014; Salanova, 2016), played a pivotal role in the development of this highly interconnected world across Europe by traveling long distances and facilitating the transfer of commodities, ideas, and worldviews.
All in all, during the first half of the third millennium BC, much of Europe witnessed a landscape characterized by the mixing of people from diverse origins and traditions. This world, coupled with a conducive socio-cultural setting for mobility, diverse forms and scales of interactions, and exchange of ideas, led to the development of what Heyd (2007, p. 347) described as an “international system of values.”
Switching the geographical scale, peoples residing in the Carpathian Basin were actively integrated into the European contact networks described above as early as the mid-fourth millennium BC. The Boleráz culture in Transdanubia has been argued to have had connections with the megalithic cultures of northwestern Europe through the Funnel Beaker complex (Dani & Horváth, 2012, p. 99), and the archaeological evidence points to extensive interactions between the Baden complex and communities across central and northern Europe (Furholt, 2009, 2015; Maran, 2001; Szmyt, 2008; Włodarczak, 2008; Zastawny, 2008). In the context of the current article, a burial assigned to the Baden culture, excavated at Balatonlelle-Rádpuszta in Transdanubia, is particularly noteworthy. The grave, which includes the remains of an 8–9-year-old boy along with skull fragments of other, related individuals in a secondary context, dates back to 3530–3370 cal BC (Bondár & Szécsényi-Nagy, 2020). Among the artifacts found in the burial, a bead drew specific attention due to its “jet-like” raw material. Compositional analyses revealed that the source of this material can be traced to modern Spain or France (Bondár et al., 2021). Additionally, the boy’s genetic composition indicates connections to Iberian and French Neolithic individuals. This genetic evidence, along with the “jet-like” bead from the same context, suggests a west-to-east movement of people from western Europe, immigrating to the Carpathian Basin in the late fourth millennium BC (Gerber et al., 2023). These data remind us of the need to keep the possibility of linking the Kevermes stela, in addition to the more probable Yamnaya context, to Baden communities open (see above), which could push its potential date back to as early as ca. 3500 BC.
Trans-regional interactions of groups residing in the Carpathian Basin persisted into the third millennium BC. In the Yamnaya archaeological record, the bearers of which co-inhabited the Great Hungarian Plain with Baden communities (Kalicz, 1998; Sherratt, 1983), a hammer-axe recovered from one of the burials at the Sárrétudvari-Őrhalom kurgan, dating to the first centuries of the third millennium BC (Dani & Nepper, 2006), has been suggested to indicate connections with communities in central and/or western Europe (Dani & Kulcsár, 2021). In addition, the appearance of the Bell Beaker phenomenon in eastern central Europe, including the Csepel group near Budapest (Kalicz-Schreiber, 1976), as well as far in Serbia (Koledin, 2008), may signify a continued influx of people to the Carpathian Basin from distant European regions during the middle of the third millennium BC (Endrődi et al., 2008; Grupe et al., 1997; Price et al., 2004). Interactions between the Bell Beaker-Csepel group and various Early Bronze Age groups in the Carpathian Basin, such as the latest Yamnaya communities on the Great Hungarian Plain, have been demonstrated (Dani & Tóth, 2014; Kulcsár, 2011). The Csepel group potentially played a role in enabling communities on the Plain to maintain long-distance connections westward from the mid-third millennium BC onward.
Concerning the mobility of the Yamnaya people, there is ample evidence pointing to their movement into southern and eastern central Europe. While the primary distribution areas of the Yamnaya complex west of the steppe zone encompass the Great Hungarian Plain and the northeastern Balkans, kurgans displaying Yamnaya characteristics have also been exposed in the western Balkans, northwestern Transdanubia in Hungary and Austria, and western Slovakia (Govedarica, 2021; Guštin & Preložnik, 2015; Novotná & Paulík, 1989; Primas, 1996; Ruttkay, 2003, p. 347). The presence of Yamnaya communities in these areas can be attributed to their access to specific regional resources, such as pastureland and metal. However, the discovery of a Yamnaya-type burial at Bleckendorf in eastern Germany (Saxony-Anhalt), dated around 2850–2500 BC, poses a challenge for interpretation. This site is situated approximately 1,000 km away from the main distribution area of the Yamnaya on the Great Hungarian Plain and 700 km from Rajka, the geographically closest Yamnaya burial site in northwestern Hungary (Behrens, 1952; Harrison & Heyd, 2007; Heyd, 2007). This find strongly suggests that Yamnaya people engaged in travel, or occasional movement, over considerable distances to the west. Additionally, as highlighted by Frînculeasa (2021), there is a notable possibility that Yamnaya people reached western Europe through interactions with Corded Ware and Bell Beaker communities.
In sum, the archaeological evidence suggests that the Carpathian Basin, including the Great Hungarian Plain, was fully integrated into contemporaneous European socio-cultural processes in the late fourth and the first half of the third millennium BC. This world was marked by connectivity, where various forms of interactions, including the movement of people with their worldviews and experiences, contributed to a shared knowledge of, and to some degree alignment with, values on a continental scale.
Now, shifting the focus to the local scale, the data presented from Kevermes-Kopolya-dűlő II, along with the socio-cultural context discussed above, help us understand how the engraved design on the Kevermes stela could have made its way to the Great Hungarian Plain. The absence of analogous motifs between the Great Hungarian Plain and Bretagne cannot be explained by the development of a specific, shared narrative over vast distances, and a cultural diffusion scenario does not offer an adequate interpretive framework for our case. Instead, mobility emerges as a key factor for comprehending it.
The paleogenetic, isotopic, and archaeological evidence provided indicates the movement of both individuals and groups to distant regions, and we propose that the commonalities between the Kevermes and Gavrinis designs can be interpreted within this framework. Given that the stela’s raw material originates from the macroregion and its motifs likely were crafted locally in the Kevermes area, two scenarios remain to be considered for further understanding of how the motifs reached the Great Hungarian Plain.
In the first scenario, an individual affiliated with a Yamnaya, or less likely a Baden, community from the Plain might have traveled to western Europe. During this travel, the person could have observed and sketched the pattern. Variations in design elements and layouts between the Kevermes stela and the Gavrinis slab render it more likely that the sketch was not directly based on the Gavrinis orthostat but another object featuring a similar design. Upon returning, the individual might have shared this experience, and subsequently, the design was applied to either the individual’s own tombstone or that of another person. Yamnaya kurgans are often associated with the local elite that utilized these frequently monumental landmarks to assert authority (Dani et al., 2022; Frînculeasa et al., 2020; Govedarica, 2018; Kalicz, 1968, p. 28). Traveling likely was a fundamental tradition for this elite, akin to the practices in Bronze Age societies across Europe (Kristiansen & Larsson, 2005), potentially serving as a means of expressing superiority. This scenario aligns well with a study analyzing material culture from Yamnaya kurgans in the Carpathian Basin, where Dani and Kulcsár concluded that “competition for leadership involved the demonstration of access to foreign objects and perhaps exotic knowledge, exchange, and perhaps alliance with the leaders of distant communities” (2021, p. 337).
In the second scenario, the Kevermes stela may have been the tombstone of an individual coming from Bretagne or other parts of western Europe where the depicted narrative on the artifact was well-known. In this instance, the person would have not only comprehended but also embraced the underlying meaning behind the motifs, considering them a valuable part of his/her identity. This individual would have fully integrated into the local community, attaining esteemed membership and high status. This is indicated by the considerable effort invested in commemorating the person’s death, involving the transportation of the raw material of the stela to the Plain and the meticulous crafting of the design. Through this process, the individual’s identity became immortalized on the tombstone. Recent genetic data from Balatonlelle-Rádpuszta and isotopic studies in regional Bell Beaker contexts (see above), suggesting the movement of people from the West to the Carpathian Basin from the second half of the fourth millennium BC onward, and thus overlapping with the presence of Yamnaya communities on the Great Hungarian Plain, lend credence to the plausibility of this scenario.
3 Conclusions
Our data systematically collected in the past one and a half decades appear to confirm that the Kevermes stela is not a fraudulent artifact. Additionally, the analysis presented above reveals that the artifact aligns with recognized regional and continental-scale patterns in the archaeological record, providing additional support for the authenticity of this remarkable find.
In functional terms, considering it as a presumed tombstone from a Yamnaya kurgan, the Kevermes stela aligns with the Late Copper Age/Early Bronze Age Yamnaya pattern in the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin. It must be emphasized, though, that research into the Yamnaya in this region is still in its early stages. Likely due to the high degree of mobility, no settlements of the Yamnaya have been identified across the Carpathian Basin, and only approximately 100 kurgans have been excavated on the Great Hungarian Plain, spanning Hungary, western Romania, and northern Serbia. This number represents a mere 0.4% of the estimated 25,000 kurgans constructed by Yamnaya people between ca. 3100 and 2500 BC (Bede, 2016, p. 37). The limited scope of research likely contributes to the relatively sparse available data regarding connections between the Great Hungarian Plain and central and western Europe.
The uniqueness, and potential controversy, surrounding the Kevermes stela stem from its engraved design, which draws analogies exclusively from western Europe. Nevertheless, as we have shown, by considering various types of evidence from the broader region, there are promising avenues to place it in a European context and elucidate how it may have found its way to the Great Hungarian Plain.
In recent years, intensified research has resulted in the emergence of a cross-continental pattern during the late centuries of the fourth millennium BC and the first half of the third millennium BC. This pattern involves the admixture of populations with diverse genetic makeup and similarities in socio-cultural practices and material culture over significant distances. Although many elements of this pattern seem to display an uneven and patchy distribution, it is becoming evident that it originated from contacts on an unprecedented scale among people residing in far-flung regions across Europe during this period. These contacts varied from unique to occasional and regular encounters between individuals and groups. The development of this pattern of connectedness can be attributed to an interplay between increased mobility, permeable social boundaries, and revolutionary innovations, particularly in technologies facilitating overland travel and transportation. As highlighted by Anthony (2023, p. 21), “wagons became the first mobile homes,” enabling long-distance travel and residential mobility on an unprecedented scale. These wagons not only transported people and their belongings but also served as conveyors for their identities, traditions, and associated narratives over vast distances. To that end, the Kevermes stela may be interpreted as a remarkable testament to the profoundly changing and interconnected world at the end of the fourth millennium BC and the first half of the third millennium BC.
Acknowledgments
We thank Mátyás Magyar and József Kovács for their help and assistance for many years and the municipality of Kevermes for supporting the excavations. We also are grateful for the valuable comments provided by Mária Bondár, János Dani, and two anonymous reviewers of the initial manuscript.
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Funding information: Autors state no funding involved.
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Author contributions: All authors have accepted responsibility for the entire content of this manuscript and consented to its submission to the journal, reviewed all the results, and approved the final version of the manuscript. G.B., A.G., D.J.R., M.S., and M.P. performed the fieldwork, Z.K., D.G.M., M.L.G., T.J.W., and A.K. designed and conducted the laboratory analyses, and B.S.-K. carried out the macroscopic analysis. A.G. and G.B. were responsible for conceptualizing the research, and A.G. prepared the manuscript with contributions from all co-authors.
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Conflict of interest: Authors state no conflict of interest. M.L.G. is a member of Open Archaeology's Editorial Board. He was not, however, involved in the review process of this article. It was handled entirely by other Editors of the journal.
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Data availability statement: The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.
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Articles in the same Issue
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- Etched in Stone: The Kevermes Stone Stela From the Great Hungarian Plain
- Waste Around Longhouses: Taphonomy on LBK Settlement in Hlízov
- Raw Materials and Technological Choices: Case Study of Neolithic Black Pottery From the Middle Yangtze River Valley of China
- Disentangling Technological Traditions: Comparative Analysis of Chaînes Opératoires of Painted Pre-Hispanic Ceramics From Nariño, Colombia
- Ancestral Connections: Re-Evaluating Concepts of Superimpositioning and Vandalism in Rock Art Studies
- Disability and Care in Late Medieval Lund, Sweden: An Analysis of Trauma and Intersecting Identities, Aided by Photogrammetric Digitization and Visualization
- Assessing the Development in Open Access Publishing in Archaeology: A Case Study From Norway
- Decorated Standing Stones – The Hagbards Galge Monument in Southwest Sweden
- Geophysical Prospection of the South-Western Quarter of the Hellenistic Capital Artaxata in the Ararat Plain (Lusarat, Ararat Province, Armenia): The South-West Quarter, City Walls and an Early Christian Church
- Lessons From Ceramic Petrography: A Case of Technological Transfer During the Transition From Late to Inca Periods in Northwestern Argentina, Southern Andes
- An Experimental and Methodological Approach of Plant Fibres in Dental Calculus: The Case Study of the Early Neolithic Site of Cova del Pasteral (Girona, Spain)
- Bridging the Post-Excavation Gaps: Structured Guidance and Training for Post-Excavation in Archaeology
- Everyone Has to Start Somewhere: Democratisation of Digital Documentation and Visualisation in 3D
- The Bedrock of Rock Art: The Significance of Quartz Arenite as a Canvas for Rock Art in Central Sweden
- The Origin, Development and Decline of Lengyel Culture Figurative Finds
- New “Balkan Fashion” Developing Through the Neolithization Process: The Ceramic Annulets of Amzabegovo and Svinjarička Čuka
- From a Medieval Town to the Modern Fortress of Rosas (Girona-Spain). Combining Geophysics and Archaeological Excavation to Understand the Evolution of a Strategic Coastal Settlement
- Technical Transfers Between Chert Knappers: Investigating Gunflint Manufacture in the Eastern Egyptian Desert (Wadi Sannur, Northern Galala, Egypt)
- Early Neolithic Pottery Production in the Maltese Islands: Initiating a Għar Dalam and Skorba Pottery Fabric Classification
- Revealing the Origins: An Interdisciplinary Study Into the Provenance of Sacral Microarchitecture–The Unique Case of the Church Model From Žatec in Bohemia
- An Analogical and Analytical Approach to the Burçevi Monumental Tomb
- A Glimpse at Raw Material Economy and Production of Chipped Stones at the Neolithic (Starčevo) Site of Svinjarička Čuka, South Serbia
- Archaeological Lithotheques of Siliceous Rocks in Spain: First Diagnosis of the Lithotheque Thematic Network
- Mapping Changes in Settlement Number and Demography in the South of Israel from the Hellenistic to the Early Islamic Period
- Review Article
- Structural Measures Against the Risks of Flash Floods in Patara and Consequent Considerations Regarding the Location of the Oracle Sanctuary of Apollo
- Commentary Article
- A Framework for Archaeological Involvement with Human Genetic Data for European Prehistory
- Special Issue on Digital Religioscapes: Current Methodologies and Novelties in the Analysis of Sacr(aliz)ed Spaces, edited by Anaïs Lamesa, Asuman Lätzer-Lasar - Part II
- Goats and Goddesses. Digital Approach to the Religioscapes of Atargatis and Allat
- Conceiving Elements of Divinity: The Use of the Semantic Web for the Definition of Material Religiosity in the Levant During the Second Millennium BCE
- Deep Mapping the Asklepieion of Pergamon: Charting the Path Through Challenges, Choices, and Solutions
- Special Issue on Engaging the Public, Heritage and Educators through Material Culture Research, edited by Katherine Anne Wilson, Christina Antenhofer, & Thomas Pickles
- Inventories as Keys to Exploring Castles as Cultural Heritage
- Hohensalzburg Digital: Engaging the Public via a Local Time Machine Project
- Monastic Estates in the Wachau Region: Nodes of Exchange in Past and Present Days
- “Meitheal Adhmadóireachta” Exploring and Communicating Prehistoric Irish Woodcraft Through Remaking and Shared Experience
- Community, Public Archaeology, and Co-construction of Knowledge Through the Educational Project of a Rural Mountain School
- Valuing Material Cultural Heritage: Engaging Audience(s) Through Development-Led Archaeological Research
- Engaging the Public Through Prehistory: Experiences From an Inclusive Perspective
- Material Culture, the Public, and the Extraordinary – “Unloved” Museums Objects as the Tool to Fascinate
- Archaeologists on Social Media and Its Benefits for the Profession. The Results and Lessons Learnt from a Questionnaire
- Special Issue on Network Perspectives in the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East and Eastern Mediterranean, edited by Maria Gabriella Micale, Helen Dawson, & Antti A. Lahelma
- Networks of Pots: The Usage of Ceramics in Network Analysis in Mediterranean Archaeology
- Networks of Knowledge, Materials, and Practice in the Neolithic Zagros
- Weak Ties on Old Roads: Inscribed Stopping-Places and Complex Networks in the Eastern Desert of Graeco-Roman Egypt
- Mediterranean Trade Networks and the Diffusion and Syncretism of Art and Architecture Styles at Delos
- People and Things on the Move: Tracking Paths With Social Network Analysis
- Networks and the City: A Network Perspective on Procopius De Aed. I and the Building of Late Antique Constantinople
- Network Perspectives in the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East and Eastern Mediterranean
