Startseite Introduction
Kapitel
Lizenziert
Nicht lizenziert Erfordert eine Authentifizierung

Introduction

Weitere Titel anzeigen von Policy Press
The Ann Oakley reader
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch The Ann Oakley reader

Abstract

Most of the world’s domestic work is done by women. This is as true now as it was when I undertook the study which provides the main extracts for this part of the book. Housework was also what turned me into a social scientist. A transformative moment, which occurred during the dusting of my husband’s books on the sociology of work some time in the late 1960s (see Oakley, 1984a), opened my eyes to the ways in which bias can masquerade as scientific knowledge. I was truly shocked to discover how not even a discipline as pre-eminently ‘social’ as sociology could be trusted to encapsulate the experiences of the majority. That women’s housework is the typical and most globally important type of labour was certainly a well-kept secret in the 1960s. Thanks to several decades of work by sociologists, economists, anthropologists, psychologists, philosophers and social policy academics, the status of housework has now been elevated to a ‘legitimate’ and ‘well-established’ topic of study (VanEvery, 1997, pp 411, 419).

The first five extracts come from my book The sociology of housework, published in 1974, and containing the work undertaken for a PhD in sociology at the University of London. The core of the project was a small empirical study – interviews with 40 women with young children in a western suburb of London in 1971. Around this, I assembled a repertoire of sub-studies: How did sociology represent housework? What was the anthropological evidence about gender and domestic work? How did the modern position of women as houseworkers evolve historically? Why do women do housework? Each of these inquiries sent me to the library (which afforded some escape from my own housework), and resulted in partial answers, either tacked onto the housework study or published in its companion volume, Housewife (1974a).

Abstract

Most of the world’s domestic work is done by women. This is as true now as it was when I undertook the study which provides the main extracts for this part of the book. Housework was also what turned me into a social scientist. A transformative moment, which occurred during the dusting of my husband’s books on the sociology of work some time in the late 1960s (see Oakley, 1984a), opened my eyes to the ways in which bias can masquerade as scientific knowledge. I was truly shocked to discover how not even a discipline as pre-eminently ‘social’ as sociology could be trusted to encapsulate the experiences of the majority. That women’s housework is the typical and most globally important type of labour was certainly a well-kept secret in the 1960s. Thanks to several decades of work by sociologists, economists, anthropologists, psychologists, philosophers and social policy academics, the status of housework has now been elevated to a ‘legitimate’ and ‘well-established’ topic of study (VanEvery, 1997, pp 411, 419).

The first five extracts come from my book The sociology of housework, published in 1974, and containing the work undertaken for a PhD in sociology at the University of London. The core of the project was a small empirical study – interviews with 40 women with young children in a western suburb of London in 1971. Around this, I assembled a repertoire of sub-studies: How did sociology represent housework? What was the anthropological evidence about gender and domestic work? How did the modern position of women as houseworkers evolve historically? Why do women do housework? Each of these inquiries sent me to the library (which afforded some escape from my own housework), and resulted in partial answers, either tacked onto the housework study or published in its companion volume, Housewife (1974a).

Heruntergeladen am 26.10.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.56687/9781447342434-010/html
Button zum nach oben scrollen