Volume 96, Issue 1

This paper investigates a motif present throughout the Middle Ages in a broad variety of texts: the refusal to ascend to the papal throne after election. Gregory the Great dealt with this issue on a theoretical level in his Regula pastoralis: driven by humilitas, the Pope elect should shrink from taking on the office assigned to him, but should not insist excessively in his refusal. Despite the Biblical motivations claimed by Gregory and others, this motif is already documented in the pre-Christian era, for example in the philosophical tradition (Plato, Cicero) and among the Roman emperors starting from Tiberius. From the 8th century onwards it was no longer a literary topos, but a ritual practiced with evident regularity: the Pope elect attempted to avoid his coronation by hiding, but was soon tracked down and taken „by force“ to the Lateran Palace in solemn procession. Popes often also argued that they had not desired to be elected, especially when attempting to demonstrate that they had not arrived at the Papal throne legitimately but, for example, through simony. Gregory VII is a striking example: he presented his entire career as an imposition from the outside. In the early and late Middle Ages this ritual was definitively institutionalized; the highly formalized announcements of the Pope’s election always stressed the new Pope’s initial refusal to accept; indeed, the very blessings imparted during ordinations expressly mentioned the imposition to which he had been subjected. Benedict XVI is currently the last Pope to have ascended to the Papal throne „against his wishes“.

From the late 9th century until the Norman conquest in the second half of the 11th century, Apulia was part of the Byzantine Empire. The article analyses the Byzantine presence in the Capitanata during this period, where it is far less wellrooted and evident than in central and southern Apulia. The systems used to date documents in the various cities (based on the reigns of the Byzantine emperors or the Lombard princes) are discussed, alongside the administrative and defensive structures with the functionaries and soldiers actually serving in the area and the influence of the Byzantine government on ecclesiastical institutions.

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag untersucht die Rechtspraxis in Lucca zwischen dem späten 8. und dem frühen 10. Jh. Ausgangspunkt ist die Beobachtung Hagen Kellers aus „Der Gerichtsort in oberitalienischen und toskanischen Städten“, wonach der Bischof von Lucca und die geistlichen Schöffen in der ersten Hälfte des 9. Jh. ihre vorherrschende Stellung in der Justizverwaltung an den Herzog und an Laienschöffen verloren. Nach Keller gehört dieser Vorgang mit der Verlegung des Gerichtsortes von der domus des Bischofs zum Herzogshof zusammen. Im vorliegenden Beitrag soll hingegen dargelegt werden, das, wenn man den klerikalen Status der Parteien in den überkommenen Gerichtsurkunden beachtet, eine solche Lesart nicht unterstützt werden kann. Versucht wird eine andere Erklärung, wonach das „bischöfliche Gericht“ sich institutionell vom placitum oder „öffentlichen“ Gerichtshof unterschied. Das bischofliche Gericht, das sich aus dem Bischof und geistlichen Rechtskundigen zusammensetzte, bildete anscheinend für fast die gesamte karolingische und die frühe postkarolingische Epoche das gewöhnliche Forum für Streitfalle, die zwischen den Klerikern der Diözese auftraten. Auf keinen Fall entschied er in Prozessen zwischen Klerikern und Laien (vermutlich ebensowenig in Rechtsangelegenheiten unter Laien). Abschließend werden einige Aufgabenfelder des „bischöflichen Gerichts“ und dessen Wirken erörtert. Riassunto L’articolo esamina la pratica giuridica a Lucca tra la fine dell’VIII e il primo X secolo. Punto di partenza e l’assunto di Hagen Keller, tratto dal suo studio „Der Gerichtsort in oberitalienischen und toskanischen Stadten“, secondo cui nella prima meta del IX secolo il vescovo di Lucca e gli specialisti legali appartenenti al clero avrebbero ceduto al duca e agli specialisti legali laici la loro posizione predominante nell’amministrazione della giustizia. Secondo Keller quest’evoluzione avrebbe coinciso con il trasferimento del „Gerichtsort“, vale a dire la sede del tribunale, dalla domus vescovile alla corte ducale. Il presente contributo intende dimostrare che lo status clericale dei contendenti che risulta nei fonti giuridiche disponibili non avvalora tale lettura. Si propone invece un’altra spiegazione che vede nel „tribunale vescovile“ un’istituzione distinta da quella del placito „pubblico“. Per quasi tutta l’epoca carolingia e il primo periodo post-carolingio quel tribunale, composto dal vescovo e dagli specialisti legali appartenenti al clero, appariva il luogo deputato per ascoltare le controversie sorte tra chierici della diocesi. Mai assurgeva a sede di fatto per deci- dere le cause tra chierici e laici (o probabilmente tra soli laici). Infine si presentano brevemente alcune funzioni di questo „tribunale vescovile“ e il suo operato.

The complex and tangled relationship between the Empire, the Papacy and the Regnum Italicum that had marked early medieval history from Christmas Eve of the year 800 changed significantly when Otto the Great was crowned emperor. Whereas under his Carolingian and non-Carolingian predecessors the Italian Kingdom and the empire had remained independent entities, they were now directly linked. Otto placed the Regnum Italicum under his own imperial jurisdiction (though he did not call himself King of Italy, as Charlemagne had done) and during his third Italian campaign attempted to expand his territories further into southern Italy. Italy, which thus became the centre of his empire, may have symbolized his desire to rival Byzantium, an ambition made evident by Otto II’s marriage to a Byzantine princess. An honorary title that did not entail any genuine increase in power, nor a connection to a territory, had become an excuse to claim dominion over Italy. As a result Italy was no longer considered a regnum among others, but rather as the heart of an empire. Moreover, compared with his immediate imperial predecessors, Otto’s relations with the Papal See were conditioned to a much greater extent by his claim to supremacy, and his imperial rule was therefore reminiscent of the reign of Charlemagne.

Among the comital elites of the early 11th century mentioned in the documentation for the Rome area, the counts of Galeria occupied a prominent place. Though we can reconstruct their history until the second half of the 13th century, not all the individuals who held this title were of the same lineage. Count Gerardo [I], son of Ranieri, is the most important figure of all the Counts of Galeria, and therefore the main focus of this paper. He is documented between 1040-1060 and played an important role in Rome’s political history during these years. He collaborated with Popes Benedict IX and Benedict X; he played a leading role in the Roman Tuscia where he also owned several castles, and was a close ally of the abbots of Farfa. Count Sassone of Civita Castellana was his brother. Both men had descendants. It is very likely that after Count Gerardo’s death, in the early 1060s Galeria Castle returned under papal control. According to a document in the archives of San Paolo fuori le mura, Gregory VII granted it to the monastery in Via Ostiense. By contrast, the descendants of Count Sassone, his son Rainieri [II] and his grandson Sassone [II], managed to retain control of Civita Castellana until almost the end of the century. Our information on this family ceases in the last 20 years of the 11th century. At the end of the first millennium, other Roman families began to appear in the Roman contado and the southern Tuscia, and in the space of a century their ambitions obliterated the old families that had hitherto dominated. Other counts of Galeria appear sporadically in the documents of the 12th and 13th centuries, but none of these individuals were as important as the two brothers Gerardo [I] and Sassone.

Scholars have long studied the so-called Breve chronicon de rebus Siculis as a key source of important historical information, including on the crusade of Frederick II. At the same time, however, this source provides crucial and concrete clues indicative of the typical process involved in the re-writing of chronicles. The work is transmitted by two main manuscripts, in each of which the text varies significantly at several junctures. The conclusion of the Breve chronicon de rebus Siculis, for example, is totally different in the two manuscripts; equally, throughout each manuscript the scribes transmit factual data in remarkably different manners. One example is the passage in which the chronicler describes the destruction of Siponto and the exile of its inhabitants: the years of exile and the names of the sovereigns who allowed their return differ in the two manuscripts, but the changes are absolutely in keeping with the chronology. If we examine this phenomenon objectively, without considering how medieval chronicles actually circulated and how they were copied, at least one of the two texts altered the historical information. However, this text does not constitute a „forgery“ since the philological interpretation of a chronicle is completely different from the interpretation of a document. The writing of history is an integral part of the human experience and anyone who holds a pen in his hands feels compelled to write information on the present and past. But as he retrieves and transcribes information, he also starts to alter it because in the process of composition he ultimately expresses an essential part of himself. Furthermore, a copyist, especially if he is not a professional, selects and summarizes information to adapt it to his own interests and his own worldview.

The article deals with the representation of petitioners at the papal court, focusing on the pontificate of Innocent III. It makes use of juridical and narrative sources as well as of the papal correspondence, preserved in registers or only as originals. By pinpointing forms and figures of representation, the ways in which this representation itself was enacted and the features required in order to act as someone’s nuntius or procurator, the essay attempts to shed light on a central issue, the alleged distinction between mere envoys and actual procuratores curiae. These, as historiography has traditionally stated, were responsible for dealing first-hand with letters for their petitioners. In particular, by analysing the endorsements in the original papal letters, we can now say that, instead of two different figures, only one person took up the petitioners’ businesses: nuntii and procuratores seem to have been complete professionals, who could represent their master and oversee the processing of petitions in the curial offices as well.

Zusammenfassung Das Verbot, Kirchenbesitz zu veräußern, das im Hochmittelalter entstandene kirchliche beneficium sowie das sich im Anschluss an den Investiturstreit herausbildende Patronatsrecht ließen im Abendland eine ökonomische Verfügungsmasse entstehen, die einzigartig war. Wegen des Zölibats konnten an diesem riesigen Vermögen keine Erbansprüche entstehen, so dass die Nutzung daran in jeder Generation neu zugeteilt werden musste. Ein nicht unwesentlicher Teil des spätmittelalterlichen Kirchenrechts befasst sich mit diesem Problem. Dabei kommt dem Liber Cancellariae apostolicae eine zentrale Rolle zu, denn er beinhaltet, was die päpstliche Kurie für ihre Kirchenherrschaft, die weitgehend mittels Urkunden geschah, benötigte, nämlich das Provinziale sowie Amtseide, Konstitutionen, Formulare und Kanzleiregeln. Am Beispiel der Konstitution Execrabilis von Johannes XXII. aus dem Jahr 1317 wird abschließend gezeigt, wie die Kurie das darin enthaltene Kumulationsverbot umsetzte und welche beabsichtigten und unbeabsichtigten Nebenwirkungen es hatte.

The genealogies of peoples and families developed in Europe during the modern period are prevalently studied by scholars from the perspective of the political history of ideas, with the aim of explaining the practical utility of genealogical works. These analyses do not foreground the aspect that is the focus of this paper: the fact that genealogical reconstructions are full of absurdities. They mix factual information, or information that may seem credible, with fabulous details, often false, sometimes ridiculous, in a word “incredible”. This is all the more interesting since these texts were composed during the centuries in which scientific methods applied to historical research were developed. Using tools borrowed from cultural anthropology, this paper suggests an epistemological approach that takes into consideration the meaning and credibility of the genealogical materials in the still authoritative framework of the Historia Salutis, the unitary vision of human history as a fusion of the classical legacy and Biblical tradition.

This article examines the self-fashioning of a sixteenth-century convert who became a Catholic and Muslim various times throughout his life. Giorgio del Giglio Pannilini addressed his multiple loyalities in innovative ways in his writings. Starting with a thorough analysis of his autobiography and the way Giorgio described the Battle of Lepanto, the article then addresses the letters which Giorgio sent to Florence, Genoa, Savoy, and the Ottoman Empire. The synopsis of this outstanding and yet partially unknown sources reveals that Giorgio narrated his life with a double audience in mind. As he wrote for Muslims and Catholics, Giorgio likewise consciously adapted a cross-cultural ornamental language and aesthetic signs for his strategic self-positioning within a plurireligious Mediterranean. In that sense, Giorgio’s enslavement not only opened up a story of constraint and subjugation but similarly entailed new and creative ways of self-fashioning. Through such acts, Giorgio claimed interpretative authority over his life; and he thereby also shaped the ways how he was able to behave as a former Muslim in Catholic Rome.

This paper addresses the problem of the relationship between the career dynamics implemented within the Roman Curia, and the perception of the value of offices and their evolution in the early modern period. Specifically, it offers an analysis of the specific and unscrupulous economic strategy adopted by the Borghese family in the late sixteenth century, within the financial and judicial context of the Roman Curia. This article not only focuses on the economic manoeuvres of the Borghese brothers, already studied by Wolfgang Reinhard, but also offers some reflections, emerging from this correspondence, on the need to obtain ownership of certain offices, such as that of the Auditor Camerae. Since the second half of the fifteenth century the office was in the possession of a tribunal independent of the Apostolic Chamber and, while retaining precise functions linked to the tax authorities, had been granted some specific jurisdiction in civilibus and in criminalibus in papal bulls. After the end of the Council of Trent and in the last decades of the sixteenth century, the office, with its tribunal, acquired increasing importance in the balance between traditional curial functions and the new congregations of Sixtus V. The reconstruction of family relationships and patronage networks - using the Borghese as an example - is therefore placed in an historical context aimed at highlighting the role played by this tribunal in the context of Roman Justice.

The letters from Lorenzo Casoni, secretary of the nunciature at the Congress of Nijmegen (1676-1679), to Agostino Favoriti, the secretary of the cipher, represent an excellent resource for research on the curial perception of the Dutch Republic. Hitherto this subject has been largely neglected by historiography. Casoni’s reports on the Netherlands are predominantly positive. He associated the stereotypical Dutch mercantile mentality, often perceived negatively, with religious tolerance, which he regarded as the reason that the Catholic minority was able to practice their faith safely. Furthermore, Casoni was impressed by the people’s high level of education. The perception of Dutch and Protestants as menacing, inherent in the Catholic-Curial perspective, is the only significant negative aspect of his account. Casoni simplified political conditions, which were very difficult to decode for foreign observers, into a dualism between a few cities of Holland and the städtholder. Casoni’s illustration of the Dutch Republic mainly reflected the Italian image of German territories. His positive perception and pragmatic relations with this Protestant and Republican state reflect the curia’s foreign policy under Innocent XI, in the process of integration into European secular diplomacy.

This article explains the motivations for and developments of anti-Semitic tendencies within the early Italian women’s movement between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the First World War. The analysis of the discourses and events in question, hitherto neglected in relevant historical research, is based on the archives of secular and Catholic women’s organizations, their publications and personal archives. The first part of the article focuses on Jewish-Catholic relations in the early Italian women’s movement. The second part examines the increasing radicalization of anti-Jewish discourse among Catholic activists from the Libyan war in 1911/12 onwards, and the transition towards an overtly anti-Semitic polemic. The study puts forward the thesis that the strong anti-secular tendencies of organized Catholic women in Italy were at the latest from 1912 onwards replaced by anti-Jewish prejudices, which were to intensify considerably during Fascism.

„Not without merit“. This is how Theodor Mommsen described the most important historical work by Ferdinand Gregorovius, the „History of Rome in the Middle Ages“ before going on to add critically „but he has too much imagination“. This paper reflects on the historian Gregorovius’s openly declared relationship with the imagination, the close affinity between history and poetry. It describes the peculiar role, which we could perhaps describe as that of an outsider, of an author forced to write his books as an independent scholar, funding them mainly with his work as a journalist. Using Gregorovius‘s direct experience of the enchanted gardens at Ninfa, which attracted him as an author of lyric poetry and as an explorer of the historical landscape, we examine some case studies of the genesis of the narrative form that he developed and discuss it as a challenge to historicism.

The paper presents some reflections on the impact of reconstruction work on the economic and social history of Italy. This problem dates far back in time and is largely under-appreciated: from the 11th century to the year 2000 over 4,800 sites (villages and towns) suffered serious destruction followed by massive and extensive reconstruction work. Few cases have attracted the attention of historians, with the exception of rebuilding work after the 1693, 1783, 1908 and 1915 earthquakes. Yet the interest of such studies lies less in the history of local town planning, and more in that of the surrounding territories and how these were managed administratively, politically and by government in general. What happens at the various stages of reconstruction work provides an accelerated glimpse of power and decision-making dynamics at work, conditioned by in-fighting, class conflict, or the slowness and instability of solutions dogged by bureaucratic squabbling within government. Such features of the governance process often escape historical analysis. The quality of reconstruction work significantly affects the impact of subsequent earthquakes. For this reason, and given the frequency of seismic events in Italy, we find „chains“ of destruction and reconstruction (L’Aquila, for example, is preparing for its sixth rebuilding, between the 14th century and today). Destruction and reconstruction map out a history spanning natural features and the features of the built environment. We must rise above set disciplinary patterns and topics if this history is to be explored, understood and more widely disseminated.

This comment on Emanuela Guidoboni’s article aims to discuss the fundamental requirements for and problems with the concept of „learning from the history“ of natural disasters. „Learning from history“ is based on different types of orientational knowledge, whereas the specific learning processes that follow earthquake disasters within the scope of the recent historical subdiscipline of „historical seismology“ take into special consideration geophysical processes which, themselves, follow natural laws and will occur again with a certain probability in the same place. Knowledge of help in planning and response processes (Verfügungs- und Handlungswissen) regarding the usefulness of building regulations in endangered zones can be developed on the basis of the longue durée mapping of destructive events. However, the successful conversion of this knowledge into action depends on cultural factors. Applying historical analysis may allow for the identification of reliable and long-term effective social systems (such as risk-prevention safety procedures), repeated structures and (ideal-typical) types of outcomes of disasters that can serve as self-enlightened orientational knowledge. It makes sense to convert this knowledge into an Italian „cultural memory“ in the spirit of Jan Assmann, especially with regard to the necessary political and social-economic changes.

The article examines some recent editions of primary sources, studies and conference proceedings related to southeastern Tuscany from the fifth to the eleventh century. The author first discusses some innovative editions, which are not limited merely to archival sources, the traditional domain of territorial history (Landesgeschichte), and also some archeological studies; then a new edition in Italian of a study which appeared in German in 1990 about a border dispute; and finally three volumes of proceedings on monastic history. Monasteries are in fact the main interest of the author who in conclusion briefly presents his perspectives for further research.

This article presents the interdisciplinary cooperative research project on the topic „Dass Gerechtigkeit und Friede sich küssen“ - Repräsentationen des Friedens im vormodernen Europa. The aim is to study how peace processes during the modern period in Europe were reflected in the figurative arts, music, theology, history and literature thanks to a collaboration between institutes, libraries and research museums in various disciplines. Within the project framework (from 1 July 2015 to 30 June 2018), the History of Music Section of the German Historical Institute will study topol relating to the representation of peace in the Italian cantata and similar genres during the 17th and 18th centuries.

The article attempts to reconstruct the historiographical literature on the Ghetto of Venice and more generally on the relationship between the town and the Jews who frequented and inhabited the lagoon. This brief examination aims to start a reflection on the historical dynamics that during the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st have led to a progressive and constant increase of interest in the study of the history of the Jews of Venice.