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On the acquisition of tense and agreement in L2 English by adult speakers of L1 Chinese

  • Stano Kong EMAIL logo and Yuhsin Huang ORCID logo
Published/Copyright: January 29, 2024

Abstract

This study investigates whether forms associated with verbal inflection can be acquired in relation to two UG-based L2 acquisition hypotheses: the Full Transfer Full Access (FTFA) Hypothesis (Schwartz, Bonnie & Rex Sprouse. 1994. Word order and nominative case in nonnative language acquisition: A longitudinal study of (L1 Turkish) German interlanguage. In Teun Hoekstra & Bonnie D. Schwartz (eds.), Language acquisition Studies in generative grammar, 317–368. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, Schwartz, Bonnie & Rex Sprouse. 1996. L2 cognitive states and the ‘full transfer/full access’ model. Second Language Research 12. 40–72) and the Interpretability Hypothesis (Tsimpli, Ianthi-maria & Maria Dimitrakopoulou. 2007. The Interpretability hypothesis: Evidence from wh-interrogatives in second language acquisition. Second Language Research 23. 215–242). The former captures the insight that convergence on grammars like those of native speakers is possible, whereas the latter argues that a native/non-native divergence results from the inaccessibility of some uninterpretable syntactic features. Ninety adult L1 speakers of Chinese of different English proficiency levels were asked to interpret and produce tense and agreement in various contexts in three tasks. Results suggest that the underlying grammatical representations in the end-state grammar may not be the same as native speakers’. We speculate that the inaccessibility of the uninterpretable [uInfl:] feature of v and the uninterpretable [uInfl:*] feature of be are the potential source of difficulty in acquiring verbal inflection in L2 English.


Corresponding author: Stano Kong, Department of Foreign Languages and Literature, Tunghai University, 1727, Section 4, Taiwan Boulevard, Taichung, 40704, Taiwan, E-mail:

Funding source: Ministry of Science and Technology, Republic of China

Award Identifier / Grant number: MOST 110-2410-H-029-028

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Received: 2023-10-08
Accepted: 2024-01-09
Published Online: 2024-01-29
Published in Print: 2024-11-26

© 2024 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

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