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Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion

  • Richard S. Kayne
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14

Abstract

The paper claims that Hyper-Complex Inversion (HCI) is an instance of clitic doubling that is subject to a person restriction not found with more familiar cases of clitic doubling. This restriction is argued to result from an incompatibility between the postverbal subject clitic (SCL) of HCI and the demonstrative structure associated with first and second person pronouns. That demonstrative structure also plays a role in asymmetries that hold concerning the possible silence, in certain cases, of third person pronouns, but not first or second person pronouns. HCI shares with past participle agreement the property that it is incompatible with an unmoved lexical direct object, in a way that presents a challenge to Agree, if Agree is taken to be available even in the absence of movement. The SCL of HCI sentences can sometimes climb out of an embedded infinitive, in a way related to the Comp-area character of its landing site.

Abstract

The paper claims that Hyper-Complex Inversion (HCI) is an instance of clitic doubling that is subject to a person restriction not found with more familiar cases of clitic doubling. This restriction is argued to result from an incompatibility between the postverbal subject clitic (SCL) of HCI and the demonstrative structure associated with first and second person pronouns. That demonstrative structure also plays a role in asymmetries that hold concerning the possible silence, in certain cases, of third person pronouns, but not first or second person pronouns. HCI shares with past participle agreement the property that it is incompatible with an unmoved lexical direct object, in a way that presents a challenge to Agree, if Agree is taken to be available even in the absence of movement. The SCL of HCI sentences can sometimes climb out of an embedded infinitive, in a way related to the Comp-area character of its landing site.

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
https://doi.org/10.1075/rllt.14.09kay

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
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Heruntergeladen am 2.10.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/rllt.14.09kay/html
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