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Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi

First-person oriented logophoricity
  • Isabelle Charnavel
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14
This chapter is in the book Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14

Abstract

This paper aims at showing that long-distance binding can be reduced to logophoric exemption from Condition A based on the case study of French soi. Soi is usually treated as a long-distance anaphor similar to Icelandic sig. But once the relevant factors are disentangled, it turns out that soi is a standard anaphor that must be locally bound unless the relevant logophoric conditions are met, which exempt soi from binding requirements. First, soi is a first-person oriented generic, expressing a generalization based on the discourse participants’ identification with the antecedent. Second, this determines its logophoric conditions of exemption (speaker-orientedness): soi is exempt from Condition A when its antecedent includes the speaker and is the perspective center of its clause.

Abstract

This paper aims at showing that long-distance binding can be reduced to logophoric exemption from Condition A based on the case study of French soi. Soi is usually treated as a long-distance anaphor similar to Icelandic sig. But once the relevant factors are disentangled, it turns out that soi is a standard anaphor that must be locally bound unless the relevant logophoric conditions are met, which exempt soi from binding requirements. First, soi is a first-person oriented generic, expressing a generalization based on the discourse participants’ identification with the antecedent. Second, this determines its logophoric conditions of exemption (speaker-orientedness): soi is exempt from Condition A when its antecedent includes the speaker and is the perspective center of its clause.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
https://doi.org/10.1075/rllt.14.02cha

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
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