John Benjamins Publishing Company
Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish
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Matthew L. Maddox
Abstract
Holmberg’s (2005, 2010) Null Generic Subject Generalization (NGSG) states that only partial null subject languages allow null generic third-singular subjects while consistent null subject languages (cNSLs) like Spanish only have referential pro due to a D-feature in T. Novel data from Spanish contradicts this. Following Frascarelli (2007), I analyze the licensing of null generic subjects as topic-identification with generic uno. The Special Morphology Condition on the NGSG, which stipulates that generic pro is allowed in cNSLs when licensed by special morphology, cannot account for uno. Thus, we may dispense with the postulation of a D-feature in T in cNSLs. I propose a revised set of licensing conditions on pro in null-subject languages.
Abstract
Holmberg’s (2005, 2010) Null Generic Subject Generalization (NGSG) states that only partial null subject languages allow null generic third-singular subjects while consistent null subject languages (cNSLs) like Spanish only have referential pro due to a D-feature in T. Novel data from Spanish contradicts this. Following Frascarelli (2007), I analyze the licensing of null generic subjects as topic-identification with generic uno. The Special Morphology Condition on the NGSG, which stipulates that generic pro is allowed in cNSLs when licensed by special morphology, cannot account for uno. Thus, we may dispense with the postulation of a D-feature in T in cNSLs. I propose a revised set of licensing conditions on pro in null-subject languages.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
- Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
- Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
- Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
- Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
- Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
- Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
- Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
- Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
- Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
- Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
- Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
- Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
- Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
- Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
- Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
- Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
- Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
- Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
- Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
- Language index 341
- Subject index 343
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
- Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
- Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
- Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
- Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
- Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
- Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
- Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
- Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
- Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
- Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
- Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
- Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
- Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
- Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
- Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
- Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
- Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
- Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
- Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
- Language index 341
- Subject index 343
