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Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian

  • Mara Panaitescu
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14
This chapter is in the book Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14

Abstract

The paper discusses Romanian dependent indefinites (DepIndef’s) introduced by the distributive marker câte (/‘kɨ.te/). They come in two guises, referred to as dependent numerals (DepNum’s) in the configuration [câte num np], and dependent existentials (DepExist’s), in the configuration [câte sg-indef np]. The two marked indefinites are identical to their unmarked counterparts at the level of assertion. The narrower distribution of DepNum’s is an effect of the interaction between the numeral and certain Partition operators which license câte. The licensing condition of câte DPs in both guises states that these DPs must be under the scope of a D/Part operator in the terminology of Champollion (2016a,b). DepNum’s are associated with an event-dependent measure of cardinality.

Abstract

The paper discusses Romanian dependent indefinites (DepIndef’s) introduced by the distributive marker câte (/‘kɨ.te/). They come in two guises, referred to as dependent numerals (DepNum’s) in the configuration [câte num np], and dependent existentials (DepExist’s), in the configuration [câte sg-indef np]. The two marked indefinites are identical to their unmarked counterparts at the level of assertion. The narrower distribution of DepNum’s is an effect of the interaction between the numeral and certain Partition operators which license câte. The licensing condition of câte DPs in both guises states that these DPs must be under the scope of a D/Part operator in the terminology of Champollion (2016a,b). DepNum’s are associated with an event-dependent measure of cardinality.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
https://doi.org/10.1075/rllt.14.12pan

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
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