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Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive

Evidence from aspect in Spanish
  • Paola Cépeda
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14
This chapter is in the book Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14

Abstract

Spanish punctual hasta-clauses (‘until’) have been described as identical in meaning when containing or not an expletive negation, that is, a negative marker that apparently does not contribute to the sentence meaning. I show that the negation in the hasta-clause does in fact play a role in the meaning calculation. My proposal is that the semantic contribution of the so-called “expletive” negation is to negate that the eventuality in the main clause holds during the interval denoted in the hasta-clause; as a result, such eventuality is expected to hold after the eventuality in the hasta-clause is finished. The novelty of my analysis is the comparison of the aspect (specifically, the durativity component) of the eventualities expressed in the hasta-clause.

Abstract

Spanish punctual hasta-clauses (‘until’) have been described as identical in meaning when containing or not an expletive negation, that is, a negative marker that apparently does not contribute to the sentence meaning. I show that the negation in the hasta-clause does in fact play a role in the meaning calculation. My proposal is that the semantic contribution of the so-called “expletive” negation is to negate that the eventuality in the main clause holds during the interval denoted in the hasta-clause; as a result, such eventuality is expected to hold after the eventuality in the hasta-clause is finished. The novelty of my analysis is the comparison of the aspect (specifically, the durativity component) of the eventualities expressed in the hasta-clause.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
https://doi.org/10.1075/rllt.14.01cep

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook 1
  4. Chapter 1. Expletive negation is not expletive 5
  5. Chapter 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive soi 21
  6. Chapter 3. French negative concord and discord 35
  7. Chapter 4. Dimensions of variation 53
  8. Chapter 5. Ma non era rosso? (But wasn’t it red?) 69
  9. Chapter 6. Dime una cosa : Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish? 85
  10. Chapter 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation 103
  11. Chapter 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese wh -constructions 135
  12. Chapter 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion 153
  13. Chapter 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish 185
  14. Chapter 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan 201
  15. Chapter 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian 215
  16. Chapter 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns 231
  17. Chapter 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages 245
  18. Chapter 15. Latin denominal deponents 263
  19. Chapter 16. Against control by implicit passive agents 279
  20. Chapter 17. Romance evaluative que/che/să sentences as inverted optatives 293
  21. Chapter 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption) 309
  22. Chapter 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish 325
  23. Language index 341
  24. Subject index 343
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