Volume 98, Issue 1

The article scrutinizes the development of the forms of leadership in the Early Iron Age and Archaic Greece, questioning the traditional view that personal leadership as described in the Homeric epics (the ‚Homeric basileia ‘) was the rule during the Early Iron Age, but was replaced in the Archaic period by collective aristocracies, and by tyrannies as a principally new kind of monarchy. The article questions the strict distinction between the ‚constitutional‘ forms of government like basileia and oligarchy, and tyrannis as an illegal break of the constitutional order. The Early Iron Age archaeology supplies no evidence for institutionalised and permanent personal leadership, and the Homeric epic, presenting a controversial vision of an ostensibly distant past, cannot be accepted as a reliable guide to the socio-political order of the Early Iron Age. The terms basileus and tyrannos were used largely synonymously until ca 400, demonstrating that the Archaic Greeks did not distinguish between legitimate basileia and illegal tyrannis in their contemporary world. The evidence, including the half-legendary accounts concerning particular poleis, suggests that the more or less firmly established monarchies emerged from the eighth century onwards. On the other hand, it infers constant tensions between competing elite groups striving for power, and the consequent fluctuation of the forms of government in the Archaic. The situation could have been similar during the Early Iron Age, which suggests that Early Iron Age Greeks were familiar with both collective and personal leadership. The emergence of tyrannies and collectively governed poleis can be seen as varying, alternative, ways of polity formation resulting from the quickening development and growing tensions from the eighth century onwards; the legitimacy of both depended on local circumstances. Tyranny appears not as a break of established aristocratic order, but as the monarchic form of elite leadership; the legitimacy of both depended on local circumstances. Tyranny appears as the monarchic form of elite leadership in the early polis, which proved, however, unacceptable in the long term as personal rule became increasingly regarded as an undesirable negation of consensual order.

The alleged testimony of Alcaeus about the mercenary service of his brother Antimenidas in the Neo-Babylonian army has long served as the inspiration for a range of theories concerning the possible employment of Greek mercenaries in Near Eastern armies and their assumed role in the transfer of eastern influences to Greece during the Archaic period. A careful reassessment of Alcaeus’ fragments and Strabo’s testimony as well as the historical and archaeological evidence at hand suggests that there is little reason to believe that Antimenidas served Nebuchadnezzar II as a mercenary, and the evidence is certainly insufficient to conclude that Greek mercenaries were routinely employed in the Neo-Babylonian army.

This article discusses the Athenian introduction of the Epidaurian Asklepios in 420 / 19 B. C., from the perspective of the international relations in the Classical Period. Contacts between Athens and Epidauros had existed since the early Archaic Period and continued during the Peloponnesian War, which enabled both poleis to cooperate on this particular instance. The delicate equilibrium between the Spartan and Athenian alliance that the Peace of Nikias encompassed was the outcome of changes in the political atmosphere in both camps, as politicians striving towards rapprochement and consolidation accumulated sufficient influence. Instead of regarding the cultic foundation as the result of Athenian imperialist design, the Athenian introduction of Asklepios must be regarded as a symbol of reconciliation between Athens and Epidauros that demonstrates the utilisation of sanctuaries to obtain political goals besides imperial aims.

Résumé La section des Persikà consacrée à la vie d’Artoxerxès est en réalité l’histoire des exploits de Mégabyze, un aristocrate qui rivalise avec le roi pendant toute sa vie. L’analyse de la source nous amène à réfléchir sur les motivations qui poussèrent Ctésias à donner une grande importance à Mégabyze et en même temps nous renseigne sur certaines dynamiques historiques et politiques de l’histoire perse du milieu du V e siècle av. J. -C.

Resumen En este artículo, analizamos la diversidad de relaciones de abasto mediterráneo que Mitrídates VI Eupátor, rey del Ponto, logró establecer durante su conflicto con Roma. A parte de mantener contactos con los piratas y conseguir firmar un tratado con Q. Sertorio, cabecilla en Hispania de la oposición a L. Cornelio Sila, el monarca póntico pudo tener también negociaciones con los socii itálicos, quienes se rebelaron contra Roma ante una nueva negativa a concederles la ciudadanía romana.

This paper begins with a brief review of evidence for migration to the relatively affluent city of Rome during the earlier Empire. Then it is suggested that most slaves coming to Rome at this time originated in the Greek East and that these slaves were volunteers not forcible captives. Slavery by contract made it possible for individuals to overcome credit constraints limiting their ability to borrow to finance training and migration. This view is tested by examining literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence to decide whether slave markets in the Greek East (at Acmonia, Ephesus, Magnesia on Meander, Thyatira and Delos) and in Rome itself were suitable for processing „dangerous merchandise“ (= forcible captives). The totality of the evidence suggests they were not. Near Easterners conveyed through local and Roman slave markets were probably willing self-sellers seeking economic advancement. A new, positive, light is cast on the role of slave dealers who profited from reallocating labor power from less to more productive uses.

This article evaluates the workings of public opinion in the Late Roman Republic through the analysis of the issue of corruption. It studies rumours, discussions and the debates in the contiones about cases of electoral, political and judicial corruption, as well as bribes from foreign ambassadors. All these discussions and comments led to a set of opinions and ideas about corruption, galvanised by the elite through different arguments. Furthermore, this article deliberates about the importance that the plebs attributed to the issue of corruption and, thus, about their involvement in political debates.

Riassunto Un’attenta analisi comparata della testimonianza di Ammiano Marcellino con le altre fonti letterarie, e le probabili epigrafiche, mette in nuova luce l’usurpazione di Silvano (355 d. C.). Prima di dare il via alla rivolta, il generale valutò con attenzione l’esistenza di gruppi sociali ostili a Constanzo II: innanzitutto la popolazione delle Gallie, vessata dall’ingordigia degli emissari imperiali, ma c’erano eminenti figure pro Silvano anche alla corte di Milano e tra i senatori di Roma. Le manovre ordite contro di lui da alti funzionari furono solo l’occasione perché Silvano sciogliesse le titubanze e desse il via alla sollevazione, comunque a lungo meditata. Egli era convinto non solo del sostegno dei suoi soldati, ma anche dei civili, avversi all’imperatore per ragioni politiche, economiche e forse religiose. In conclusione l’usurpazione, più che dovuta agli intrighi di corte, come è stato spesso sostenuto, appare attentamente pianificata dallo stesso Silvano, forte dell’appoggio trasversale delle truppe, dei provinciali, ma anche di influenti personaggi italici.

Religious legislation against heretics was an innovation in the Late Roman Empire and its enforcement involved great difficulties. The provincial governors who, except in the period of the persecution of Christians, had tolerated religious diversity, were to implement exclusion laws against pagans and heretical groups. This paper analyzes the form of interaction between bishops, emperors and judges in the issuing and enforcement of the laws against heretics, as well as casting light on the relevance of episcopal intervention as a method of informing and shaping the imperial will.

Zusammenfassung Die Gebundenheit einer Gottheit an einen Ort oder an eine Stadt stellt eines der wichtigsten und am wenigsten erforschten Elemente der klassischen Religion dar. Im Rahmen des Nachdenkens über das Wesen Gottes im philosophischen und literarischen Diskurs der Spätantike werden die traditionellen Gottheiten häufig gemäß dem plotinianischen Modell als Emanationen und Manifestationen eines höchsten göttlichen Wesens betrachtet. Auch Symmachos teilte diese Ansicht und fasste die Gebundenheit der göttlichen Wesen an einen Ort als von der divina mens gewollt auf. Diese Vorstellung wird im Rahmen seiner bekannten dritten relatio geäußert, als der Rhetor die Dea Roma in Gestalt einer alten und schutzflehenden Frau vor dem Kaiser auftreten lässt, die ihn bittet die Ausübung der traditionellen Riten zu erlauben, welche Rom die Gunst der Götter sicherte. Diese unkonventionelle Darstellung der Dea Roma, die einen Bruch mit der herkömmlichen Ikonographie der Göttin darstellt, ist nicht zufällig: Hiermit konnte der Rhetor metaphorisch den Status der Stadt, die vom Kaiser verlassen und vernachlässigt wurde, zur Sprache bringen.