Home Late Mesolithic Individuals of the Danube Iron Gates Origin on the Dnipro River Rapids (Ukraine)? Archaeological and Bioarchaeological Records
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Late Mesolithic Individuals of the Danube Iron Gates Origin on the Dnipro River Rapids (Ukraine)? Archaeological and Bioarchaeological Records

  • Dmytro Haskevych EMAIL logo
Published/Copyright: December 15, 2022
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Abstract

In contrast to large-scale prehistoric migrations, associated with massive population shifts and changes in material culture, movements of small human groups or single individuals are barely visible but no less important. In publications of the 1960s–2000s, specificity of craniological, odontological, and metrical characteristics as well as stable isotope values of some individuals distinguishing the Late Mesolithic cemetery of Vasylivka II among other Mesolithic and Neolithic burial sites in the Dnipro River basin was explained by some gene flows. However, archaeologists could not develop these views since the original excavation report of 1953 and all grave goods from Vasylivka II were considered lost. Another old field document, where pendants of the pharyngeal teeth of fish, and the shells of spiral, probably Mediterranean, molluscs found there were mentioned, allowed the recent suggestion of the author of the current article that several individuals from the Danube Iron Gates region were interred in the cemetery. Previous arguments along with new evidence are presented here to develop this hypothesis. Re-found personal ornaments from one burial, the only available grave goods from Vasylivka II, are published here for the first time. The established regularity that most relatively young men and women from the graveyard have conditional “Danubian” δ13C values in the range from −20 to −21‰ assumes the mutual exchange of marriage partners born in the Iron Gates and the Dnipro Rapids. A waterborne route is discussed as a more probable mode of communication between these regions.

1 Introduction

Funerary sites are an important source for the reconstruction of prehistoric and early historic population dynamics. In contrast to the materials of settlements, the specificity of which can reflect cultural diffusion, findings from burials include human remains that carry direct traces of ancient migrations of various scales. The discovery of such traces has become possible owing to both traditional research in physical anthropology and the increasing use of stable isotopes and DNA analyses.

Large-scale migrations, such as the Neolithisation of Central Europe by Balkans farmers, or the spread of the Indo-Europeans, are associated with massive manifestations of clearly distinguishable long time-scale population shift, accompanied by changes in material culture. On the contrary, evidence of the movement of small human groups or single individuals easily dissolves in arrays of homogeneous typical data when researchers operate on descriptive characteristics and statistically averaged indicators of a separate site or region. Therefore, atypical results of analyses, unique findings, and exceptions to the rules deserve close attention as evidence of barely visible (but not unimportant) processes of demic diffusion, reflected in the “life histories” of specific humans and objects.

The specificity of craniological, odontological, and metrical characteristics as well as stable isotope values of some individuals that distinguish the cemetery of Vasylivka II (Vasilyevka II in Russian) among the other fairly homogeneous Late Mesolithic and Neolithic burial sites in the Dnipro (Dnieper in Russian) River basin has been explained as a result of some migration (Gokhman, 1966; Jacobs, 1994a; Lillie, Potekhina, Budd, & Nikitin, 2012). The presence of pendants of the pharyngeal teeth of fish, and the spiral shells of probably Mediterranean molluscs, mentioned in the unpublished field documents by Oleksandr Bodianskyi, allowed the current author to suggest that several bearers of the Danube Iron Gates Late Mesolithic traditions were buried in the cemetery (Haskevych, 2020). Arguments previously published only in Russian are presented along with new evidence here in the development of this hypothesis. Rediscovered personal ornaments from one burial, the only available grave goods of Vasylivka II, are published for the first time. Particular attention is paid to discussing the sex, age, and diet assessment of specific individuals for reconstructing the social drivers of human mobility and contact networks in the territory between the Dnipro and Danube.

2 Geographical Setting

In terms of the modern administrative division, the Dnipro River Rapids region (also frequently named by the transliterated Ukrainian word “Nadporizhzhia” and in Russian “Nadporozhye”) is a section of the Dnipro valley, situated in the Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhzhia oblast (province) of Ukraine between the cities of Dnipro and Zaporizhzhia (Figure 1). In terms of physical geography, this is the lowest section of the middle course of the Dnipro (Figure 2). The latter begins northern, from the mouth of the Desna River. Before the Rapids, the Dnipro flows from the north-west to the south-east along the border of the Dnipro Upland (the right steep side of the river valley) and the Dnipro lowland (the left gently sloping, well-terraced side of the valley), eroding sedimentary rocks. The Rapids region itself is a section of the valley about 80 km long from the mouth of the Samara River to the island of Khortytsia. There, the Dnipro flows roughly north to south, eroding the magmatic rocks of the southern edge of the Ukrainian crystalline shield. As a result, nine rapids were formed on the river, damming its watercourse. In addition, chains of rocks are blocking it partially. There are also many rocky islands, separate rocks, and riffles in the riverbed. In the rapids sections, the valley narrows, and the current is fast. Conversely, between the rapids, the current slows down, the valley becomes wider, and the banks are less steep. The Lower Dnipro region begins below the island of Khortytsia. The direction of the river changes there – it flows from north-east to south-west in the Black Sea lowland. The valley becomes extremely wide; the channel is divided into many branches with low sandy islands between them.

Figure 1 
               Schematic map of the Dnipro Rapids region (before 1931) with the Mesolithic and Neolithic sites mentioned in the article: 1 – Ihren VIII; 2 – Ihren V (“Horodok”); 3 – Chapli; 4 – Voloske; 5 – Skelia-Kamenolomnia; 6 – Kizlevyi Ostriv 5; 7 – Mykilske I (Nenasytets); 8 – Mykilske II; 9 – Vasylivka III; 10 – Vasylivka I; 11 – Vasylivka V; 12 – Vasylivka II; 13 – Mar’ivka; 14 – Vovnihy II; 15 – Yasynovate II; 16 – Vovnihy III; 17 – Vovnihy I; 18 – Yasynovate I (Yasynovatka); 19 – Sobachky; 20 – Vilnianka (after Haskevych, 2020, p. 149, Figure 1, supplemented and with alterations. Base map after Vlasov, 2006, pp. 125–131).
Figure 1

Schematic map of the Dnipro Rapids region (before 1931) with the Mesolithic and Neolithic sites mentioned in the article: 1 – Ihren VIII; 2 – Ihren V (“Horodok”); 3 – Chapli; 4 – Voloske; 5 – Skelia-Kamenolomnia; 6 – Kizlevyi Ostriv 5; 7 – Mykilske I (Nenasytets); 8 – Mykilske II; 9 – Vasylivka III; 10 – Vasylivka I; 11 – Vasylivka V; 12 – Vasylivka II; 13 – Mar’ivka; 14 – Vovnihy II; 15 – Yasynovate II; 16 – Vovnihy III; 17 – Vovnihy I; 18 – Yasynovate I (Yasynovatka); 19 – Sobachky; 20 – Vilnianka (after Haskevych, 2020, p. 149, Figure 1, supplemented and with alterations. Base map after Vlasov, 2006, pp. 125–131).

Figure 2 
               Distribution map of some Mesolithic and Neolithic sites out of the Dnipro Rapids region mentioned in the article: 1 – Olenij Ostrov; 2 – Popovo; 3 – Zvejnieki; 4 – Kraghedgård; 5 – Vedbæk; 6 – Skateholm II; 7 – Ralswiek-Augustenhof; 8 – Ostorf; 9 – Dudka; 10 – Krusza Zamkova 3; 11 – Brześć Kujawski 4; 12 – Racot 18; 13 – Bad Dürrenberg; 14 – Falkensteinhöhle; 15 – Burghöhle Dietfurt; 16 – Hohlenstein-Stadel; 17 – Eichendorf-Aufhausen; 18 – Vrbička; 19 – Padina; 20 – Lepenski Vir; 21 – Vlasac; 22 – Hajdučka Vodenica; 23 – Kula; 24 – Cuina Turcului; 25 – Icoana; 26 – Ostrovul Banului; 27 – Schela Cladovei; 28 – Poiana; 29 – Myrne; 30 – Sacarovca; 31 – Kam’iani Potoky; 32 – Deriivka I; 33 – Osypivka; 34 – Lysa Hora; 35 – Zamil-Koba 1; 36 – Shan-Koba; 37 – Mariupol; 38 – Razdorskaya 2; 39 – Varfolomeevskaya; A – Dnipro Rapids region (Base map: Wikimedia Commons (with alterations), https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Europe_topography_map.png, CC BY-SA 3.0 license).
Figure 2

Distribution map of some Mesolithic and Neolithic sites out of the Dnipro Rapids region mentioned in the article: 1 – Olenij Ostrov; 2 – Popovo; 3 – Zvejnieki; 4 – Kraghedgård; 5 – Vedbæk; 6 – Skateholm II; 7 – Ralswiek-Augustenhof; 8 – Ostorf; 9 – Dudka; 10 – Krusza Zamkova 3; 11 – Brześć Kujawski 4; 12 – Racot 18; 13 – Bad Dürrenberg; 14 – Falkensteinhöhle; 15 – Burghöhle Dietfurt; 16 – Hohlenstein-Stadel; 17 – Eichendorf-Aufhausen; 18 – Vrbička; 19 – Padina; 20 – Lepenski Vir; 21 – Vlasac; 22 – Hajdučka Vodenica; 23 – Kula; 24 – Cuina Turcului; 25 – Icoana; 26 – Ostrovul Banului; 27 – Schela Cladovei; 28 – Poiana; 29 – Myrne; 30 – Sacarovca; 31 – Kam’iani Potoky; 32 – Deriivka I; 33 – Osypivka; 34 – Lysa Hora; 35 – Zamil-Koba 1; 36 – Shan-Koba; 37 – Mariupol; 38 – Razdorskaya 2; 39 – Varfolomeevskaya; A – Dnipro Rapids region (Base map: Wikimedia Commons (with alterations), https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Europe_topography_map.png, CC BY-SA 3.0 license).

3 Subsistence, Settlements, and Graveyards

The geographical characteristics of the Rapids region contributed to the high concentration of various food resources, the aquatic ones in the first place. The rapids and riffles cause water aeration, increasing the amount of dissolved oxygen, resulting in better water quality for life forms. The shallow, stone-lined channel, and fast current are good conditions for spawning many species of anadromous fish, e.g. species of the sturgeon (Acipenseridae) family and the cyprinid vyrezub (Rutilus frisii) that move upriver from the Black Sea and the Dnipro-Buh estuary. The presence of rapids and chains of rocks facilitated the making of traps for massive specialised seasonal fishing. Their construction, as well as control of the most productive parts of the valley, required a collective effort, consolidating communities of local foragers and reducing their mobility during the annual economic cycle. The groups were also attached to a certain place by the need to store the resources acquired during a season of high productivity. The availability of landscapes of different types within the region – the forests in gullies and the river valley, and the steppes on the watershed plateau, made it possible to conduct a multi-resource economy without long-distance movements. The consequence of this was the early transition of residents to a relatively sedentary lifestyle, in which they seasonally changed settlements on the islands, low and high terraces within the same section of the valley.

In turn, limited mobility led to the appearance of burial grounds – special, situated away from settlements, places for the collective burying of the dead of several generations of a clan group. It seems that traditions to arrange burial grounds appeared in the Dnipro Rapids at the end of the Pleistocene (cemetery of Voloske). The series of 14C dates from the Vasylivka III cemetery shows that it continued in 10th–9th millennium BC (Lillie, Budd, Potekhina, & Hedges, 2009, Table 2; Lillie, Richards, & Jacobs, 2003, p. 743; Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplement, p. 41, Table 6; Potekhina & Telegin, 1995, Table 3). Evidently, the cemetery of Vasylivka I and five flexed skeletons from the cemetery of Chapli were also of that time, according to both the typology of their burials and the flint implements from there. The 14C dates of the burial grounds of Vasylivka II and Mar’ivka fall in the 8th–7th millennium BC (Lillie, 1998, Table 1; Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplement, p. 40, Table 1; Potekhina & Telegin, 1995, Table 4; Telegin, Kovaliukh, Potekhina, & Lillie, 2000), when bearers of the Late Mesolithic cultures were widespread in the region. However, this tradition manifested itself most clearly in the graveyards of Mykilske II, Yasynovate I, II, Vilnianka, Vovnihy I, II, III, Vasylivka V, and Nenasytets, where the local pottery-using foragers buried the dead in the 6th–5th millennium BC. In the current article, sites of this population are defined sub-Neolithic, according to the term, borrowed from Marija Gimbutas (1956, p. 11), and along with its synonym “para-Neolithic,” used mainly by scholars from Poland, Finland, and the Baltic States (for detail, see, e.g., Nordqvist, 2018; Nowak, 2007). The appearance and development of the tradition of collective burying are explained by its importance for consolidating ancient groups and securing for them the rights to the exclusive use of certain territories in conditions of intense competition for food resources. In addition to the discussed region, this trend is clearly seen in other territories with similar natural conditions, for example, on the river rapids of the Nile and Ganges, in the Iron Gates area of the Danube, on the lake systems of Karelia in Northeastern Europe, as well as around the Great Lakes of North America (Balakin & Nuzhnyi, 1995).

4 Research History

To counteract a problem with the Dnipro rapids, which impeded navigation, the largest dam in Europe was constructed just north of Khortytsia Island within the city of Zaporizhzhia between 1927 and 1932. The water level increased by 40 m. During World War II, the Soviet army and Wehrmacht troops blew up the dam in 1941 and 1943, respectively. The rapid discharge of water from the reservoir led to the exposure and destruction of hundreds of archaeological sites. After the end of the war, a rescue research program was launched here. On the valley bottom, sites were investigated in the early years. After the reconstruction of the dam in 1947, this work continued on the eroded loess river terraces for another 10 years. It was then that most of the burial grounds of the region were discovered and investigated, in particular Mesolithic ones: Chapli, Voloske, Vasylivka I, II, III, Mar’ivka, and sub-Neolithic ones: Mykilske I (alternatively named as Nenasytets), Mykilske II (alternatively named as Nikolskoye), Vovnihy I, II, and Vilnianka. The sub-Neolithic cemeteries of Vovnihy III, Yasynovate I (alternatively named as Yasynovatka), and Yasynovate II were investigated in the 1960s–1980s. Bodianskyi identified most of the listed sites. Expeditions led by Arkadii Dobrovolskyi, Mykola Rudynskyi, Valentyn Danylenko, Dmytro Telegin, Abram Stoliar, Svitlana Liashko, and Serhiy Kravchenko investigated them. The Mesolithic burial grounds were published in several articles (Danilenko, 1955; Dobrovolskyi, 1954, pp. 112–113; Stoliar, 1959; Telegin, 1961). The results of the work on the sub-Neolithic cemeteries, previously published by various authors, were collected and most fully summarised in special monographs by Telegin (1991; Telegin & Potekhina, 1987).

The first periodisations of the burial grounds were created in the 1950s and 1960s. It was then accepted that the Mesolithic inhabitants of the region were rather the gracile dolichocephalic Cro-Magnoids, who buried their dead in a flexed position. The transition to the Neolithic, established only by the start of ceramic production (i.e., in fact, this is the sub-Neolithic), was associated with the incoming of the more massive meso-brachycephalic population, who buried the dead in an extended supine position. In the Middle and Late Neolithic, representatives of both craniological types coexisted and mixed, forming a syncretic type (Debets, 1966; Gokhman, 1958, 1966; Konduktorova, 1973; Stoliar, 1959, 1961; Telegin, 1957, 1961, 1966).

The beginning of mass radiocarbon dating changed the previous scheme. In the early 1990s, the dates obtained by Kenneth Jacobs (1993, p. 314; Hedges, Housley, Bronk Ramsey, & van Klinken, 1995a, p. 202) proved Stoliar’s assumption that the extended and flexed burials of the Vasylivka III cemetery were roughly synchronous and dated back to the Early Mesolithic (Stoliar, 1959, pp. 127–129). Jacobs also established that the Vasylivka II burial ground is of the Late Mesolithic age (Jacobs, 1993, p. 314), and not Early Neolithic, as previously thought. Therefore, the start of significant changes in physical anthropology and funerary practices occurred more than a millennium earlier. He also established that individuals from Vasylivka II had more positive δ13C values, and higher barium content than the human remains from the neighbouring earlier burial ground of Vasylivka III. This was interpreted to be a result of the start of the Neolithisation process (Jacobs, 1993, 1994a). It drew severe criticism from many archaeologists (Anthony, 1994; Lillie, 1996; Potekhina, 2005, pp. 169–170; Potekhina & Telegin, 1995).

However, soon thereafter, it was found that the δ13C values of individuals from the Dnipro burial grounds of the 6th–5th millennium BC were closer to the Early Mesolithic ones (Lillie & Richards, 2000). This study and other studies on dental pathology (calculus deposition and caries) of the Neolithic human remains in the region allowed Malcolm Lillie to explain the δ13C values of Vasylivka II by a change of subsistence – from mainly wild herbivores in the Early Mesolithic to aquatic fauna in the Late Mesolithic and both wild and domestic herbivores in the Neolithic (Lillie, 1996). But the early emergence of animal husbandry in the North Pontic area has been questioned (Motuzaite-Matuzeviciute, 2012). Besides, new analyses demonstrated that the δ13C ratios of three individuals from the neighbouring Late Mesolithic cemetery of Mar’ivka “are more negative that those in evidence at Vasilyevka II, but overlap fully with those in evidence at the Epipalaeolithic cemetery of Vasilyevka III” (Lillie, Budd, & Potekhina, 2011, p. 64). Thus, a new explanation advanced the migration of some members of the Vasylivka II group, which “had recently moved into the region and had not resided for a length of time sufficient to allow their stable isotope ratios to reach equilibrium with the local environmental ranges” (Lillie et al., 2012, p. 86).

Detailed analysis of published and archival information about the funerary inventory of Vasylivka II has allowed the present author to identify grave goods, which are unique for the local sites, but characteristic of the Late Mesolithic in the Iron Gates reach of the Danube. Thus, the combination of previous bioarchaeological data and archaeological records has assumed an Iron Gates origin for several individuals buried in the cemetery (Haskevych, 2020). The main facts that made possible emerging of this hypothesis are repeated below along with the presentation of new arguments supporting and developing it.

5 Vasylivka II. Archaeological Records

Bodianskyi discovered the cemetery and excavated one human skeleton associated with perforated pharyngeal teeth of fish in 1950, which was recorded only in his unpublished field diary, housed in the Archives of the Institute of Archaeology at the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine[1], Fund 64, Folder 1950/3в, No. 1433 (Bodianskyi, unpublished, 1950, pp. 35, 36). These personal ornaments were transferred to the Institute of Archaeology at Kyiv (now – IA NASU). Stoliar carried out a full-scale excavation of the site in 1953. Unfortunately, he did not publish the results of this work, except short mention of some finds in his article on another topic (Stoliar, 1959). Although the Kyiv Institute had organised the expedition, Stoliar without permission took grave goods from the cemetery and the original field report on his work at Vasylivka II to Leningrad (now Saint Petersburg, Russian Federation), where he had a new job at the State Hermitage Museum in 1956. Telegin saw a few of the finds there no later than 1968 (Telegin, 1968, p. 71). The actual location of the finds and report is unknown, although many scholars inquired for them (Haskevych, 2020, p. 150). The majority of Stoliar’s anthropological finds are kept in the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography at the Russian Academy of Sciences in Saint Petersburg[2], and the bones of several children are housed at the IA NASU. Anthropologist Ilya Gokhman studied in detail the finds from MAE. He published his results along with some exclusive data about the structure of the burial ground from the actually lost Stoliar’s field report, which was then yet accessible to him (Gokhman, 1958; 1966, pp. 96–131). Telegin also described the location and organization of the cemetery as well as some of the finds (Telegin, 1968, p. 71; 1991, p. 44) based on limited data from unpublished Bodianskyi’s field report of 1953, which is housed in the Archives of IA NASU, Fund 64, Folder 1953/4д, No. 1887 (Bodianskyi, unpublished, 1953). However, it should be noted that Bodianskyi worked as a photographer on Stoliar’s excavation for a few days only. The authors of subsequent publications on the topic briefly (sometimes with errors) repeat this same information over and over again (e.g. Kotova, 2003, p. 121; 2010, pp. 87, 88; Lillie et al., 2011, p. 59; Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplement, p. 40).

Summarising all available data allows asserting the following. The burial ground is located on the third loess terrace of the left bank of the Dnipro within the limits of Vasylivka village, Synelnykove district, Dnipropetrovsk region near the submerged rapids of Nenasytets, the largest on the river. This location rises to about 20–25 m over the original river level. The graveyard is situated on the right (northern) prominence formed by the Dnipro and the mouth of the Bilaieva gully (Figure 1) at approximately 48°11′30.33″ N, 35°11′59.51″ E. Several groups of graves arranged in a row were excavated by Stoliar (but Bodianskyi believed that previously another row of graves had been virtually destroyed). The row ran from west to east, that is, along the side of the gully, but not the riverbank. Each group consisted of two to five single and double graves. A total of 27 burials containing the remains of 32 individuals were excavated. The skeletons were oriented with their heads to the north (i.e., upstream), sometimes with a very slight deviation to the west. The deceased lay in barely apparent “shallow” wide pits. The bodies were arranged in the extended supine position with the arms stretched out along the body, hands lay near the pelvis or on it, and the legs tightly clasped together. These are mostly the remains of adults, but there are also several children of differing ages. Ochre covered several skeletons. The use of old graves for repeated interments was also reported (for details, see Haskevych, 2020).

Five radiocarbon measurements on human bones (Table 1, Figure 3) date the cemetery to the mid-8th–late 7th millennium BC (Hedges et al., 1995a, p. 202; Jacobs, 1994a, p. 4; Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplementary Table 1; Potekhina & Telegin, 1995, Table 4). However, given the significant role of fish in the diet of the Mesolithic and sub-Neolithic population of the Rapids region, these dates are potentially distorted by a freshwater reservoir effect. Thus, the actual age of the burial ground may be somewhat younger.

Table 1

Radiocarbon dates from Vasylivka II, calibrated using OxCal v4.4.4 software (Bronk Ramsey, 2009) and the IntCal20 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al., 2020)

MAE No. Burial No. by Gokhman, 1966 Laboratory No. Uncal BP Cal. BC (68.3%) Cal. BC (95.4%) References
6285-20 ? OxA-3804 7920 ± 85 7030–6655 7052–6600 Potekhina & Telegin (1995, p. 824, Table 4)
6285-19 27 OxA-3805 7620 ± 80 6570–6412 6642–6263 Potekhina & Telegin (1995, p. 824, Table 4)
6285-15 22 OxA-3806 8020 ± 90 7065–6774 7181–6649 Potekhina & Telegin (1995, p. 824, Table 4)
6285-14 21 Poz-81129 8190 ± 60 7312–7076 7450–7056 Mathieson et al. (2018, Supplementary Table 1)
6285-11 18 Poz-81154 7320 ± 40 6227–6090 6242–6072 Mathieson et al. (2018, Supplementary Table 1)

? − Burial No. was unknown to Gokhman.

Figure 3 
               Vasylivka II. Plot of calibrated BC radiocarbon measurements on human bones.
Figure 3

Vasylivka II. Plot of calibrated BC radiocarbon measurements on human bones.

For a long time, the storage location of the grave goods from Vasylivka II was unknown (Haskevych, 2020). But at the end of 2020, the present author succeeded in rediscovering the personal ornaments from burial No. 1, excavated by Bodianskyi in 1950. According to the latter’s field diary, the deceased lay on the surface of the loess horizon at a depth of 1.25 m. No traces of the pit were observed. The skeleton was in the extended supine position with its head oriented to the north. The arms were slightly bent at the elbows and extended along the body. The left hand touched the pelvis, and the right hand was under it. The skull lay on the occipital bone, the face turned to the south. The lower spine and pelvis were slightly raised. The shinbones were only partially preserved; a precipice destroyed their lower parts and the feet. The grave goods consisted of “50” perforated fish teeth. A “handful” of them lay near the skull behind its parietal part. In addition, some of the fish teeth lay in a 6 cm-long row near the left humerus, just above the elbow. Three more teeth lay near the elbow of the right hand.

Currently, the collection of burial No. 1, housed in the scientific repository at IA NASU, consists of 56 items. They comprise 15 intact and almost intact cyprinid pharyngeal teeth (Figure 4(1–15)), as well as 30 damaged ones (Figure 4(16–45)), and pieces of 11 broken examples (Figure 4(46–56)). Clean (“fresh”) breaks on most of them indicate these pendants were broken already during their unearthing and/or storage. There are perforations or their traces on all but four which are small broken examples (Figure 4(53–56)). The perforations are transverse or diagonal grooves, which were cut (sawn) on the anterior (front) surface of the necks of the teeth (with two exceptions that are perforated on the posterior (?) surface – Figure 4(17 and 39)). As a result of perforation, a small hole appeared in a centre of the grooves. There is faint staining by pink substance (ochre?) on some of the finds.

Figure 4 
               Vasylivka II. Pendants of cyprinids pharyngeal teeth (1–56) from burial No. 1. Photo by D. Haskevych.
Figure 4

Vasylivka II. Pendants of cyprinids pharyngeal teeth (1–56) from burial No. 1. Photo by D. Haskevych.

Regarding finds from Stoliar’s excavation in 1953, Bodianskyi wrote: “A large number of vyrezub teeth were found near the burials.” He also stressed that “these teeth have cut holes” (Bodianskyi, unpublished, 1953, p. 24). This information is confirmed by a short note in Stoliar’s article: “ornaments in the form of chains of tens and hundreds of the vyresub pharyngeal teeth (including perforated ones) were discovered in many burials” (Stoliar, 1959, p. 145). By the same token, Gokhman reports that “vyrezub teeth with a groove, cut in their basal part” are the most numerous finds from the burial ground (Gokhman, 1966, p. 96).

The other grave goods were only scantily described by Bodianskyi. He mentioned in passing some flint artefacts of “small size,” fragments of Unio shells, a “vessel” made of a “treated” dorsal (back) shell of a terrapin, four unmodified incisors of a “deer” (after Gokhman, this is an “elk”). In addition, he wrote: “In some burials, necklaces of specific spiral nacreous Mediterranean (?) shells were found” (Bodianskyi, unpublished, 1953, p. 25). Usually, all researchers focused on the bone plates “made of deer antler” (Bodianskyi, unpublished, 1953, p. 25) with engraved geometrical decoration. They are commonly referred to as “bracelets.” Thanks to a rough sketch published by Telegin (1991, p. 45, Figures 2–7) without specifying its author or source, seven such items are the only finds from 1953, the surface appearance of which is known.

6 Analogues of the Vasylivka II Grave Goods in the North-Pontic Region and Beyond

6.1 The Ornaments Made of Pharyngeal Teeth of Fish

Personal ornaments made of unperforated pharyngeal teeth of fish are typical and abundant at the cemeteries of the Mariupol type in the Dnipro region and neighbouring territories. Telegin mentions their presence among grave goods from the Late Mesolithic Mar’ivka cemetery, and sub-Neolithic cemeteries of the Vilnianka, Yasynovate I, Lysa Hora, Mykilske II, Mariupol, Deriivka I, Vovnihy II, Chapli, Osypivka, Sobachky, as well in the burial within the Kam’iani Potoky site (Telegin, 1991). They were also found at the Sakarovka burial ground in the Prut-Dniester interfluve, in Moldova (Larina & Dergachev, 2003, p. 100). Some of these sites are radiocarbon dated (Hedges, Housley, Bronk Ramsey, & van Klinken, 1995b, p. 427; Kotova, 2003, Table 1, 3; 2018; Lillie, 1998, p. 186, Table 1; Telegin et al., 2000). Their date range spans approximately from the start of the 7th to the middle of the 5th millennium BC (without considering the freshwater reservoir effect). Therefore, all of them are younger than the earliest date of Vasylivka II.

According to the finds from the Vilnianka burial ground, it was established that the teeth of “vyrezub” and “carp” weighing from 6 to 20 kg were used for ornaments (Shpet, 1956). In the absence of a detailed species definition, the group name “carp” likely means the European carp (Cyprinus carpio carpio Linnaeus, 1759) here. As for the “vyrezub,” it may represent the Black Sea roach, or kutum (Rutilus frisii Nordman, 1840). This species lives in the basin of the Black, Azov and Marmara seas to this day. It is a typical anadromous fish that spends most of its life in brackish marginal sea areas and migrates up rivers in April–May to spawn among weeds and over a stony substrate in shallow waters with fast current, which characterise the Dnipro and Southern Buh River rapids regions (Bulakhov, Novitskyi, Pakhomov, & Khrystov, 2008, pp. 182–183). Genomic studies have shown that in the Mesolithic, fish of this species also reached the Iron Gates reach of the Danube. However, they do not occur there now (Živaljević, Popović, Snoj, & Marić, 2017). Since only mature, large individuals ascend into rivers, a vyrezub was of great subsistence importance, and its pharyngeal teeth were large enough for making the ornaments.

The precise numbers of pharyngeal teeth in the North-Pontic burial grounds and single burials were rarely calculated. For example, a total of 183 unperforated teeth of fish were found in the cemetery of Mar’ivka (Bodianskyi, unpublished, 1950, pp. 26–35). Also, information has been published that a total of 75 such teeth were found at Sakarovka (Larina & Dergachev, 2003, p. 100), 251 – at Mykilske II (Telegin, 1991, p. 55, Table 3), and 422 – at Vovnihy I (Rudynskyi, 1956, p. 155). Their number in certain burials varies from 1 to 2 teeth to “more than 100” in burial No. 20 of a man of 20–25 years old at the Vilnianka cemetery, “about 200” in burial No. 28 of a child at Osypivka (Telegin, 1991, pp. 61, 71), and 204 teeth in burial No. 15 at Vovnihy I (Rudynskyi, 1956, p. 155). However, unclear definitions “several,” “row,” or “handful” are used much more often.

Unlike unmodified pharyngeal teeth of fish, the perforated ones are rarer in Ukraine. Describing the grave goods from Vasylivka II, Bodianskyi (unpublished, 1953, p. 24) wrote that “these teeth have holes cut with a flint on their side, which is so far characteristic only for this burial ground.” Nadiia Kotova repeated this assertion word for word without questioning it (Kotova, 2010, p. 88). However, before the excavation of Vasylivka II, such items had already been found at the Zamil-Koba 1 site in the Crimea (Krainov, 1938). Stoliar (1959, p. 145) noted this fact, which was repeated by Dušan Borić and Emanuela Cristiani dozens of years later (Borić & Cristiani, 2016, p. 98).

Zamil-Koba 1 (44°37′19.25″ N, 33°43′51.99″ E) is a rock shelter site, situated 3.6 km west-southwest of the village of Krasnyi Mak (former Büyük Qaralez) of the Bakhchisarai district in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Ukraine (Figure 2). Dmitry Krainov discovered the site in 1935 and excavated an area of 132 m2 between 1935 and 1937 (Krainov, 1938). There, he identified two cultural layers – the lower “Azilian” and the upper “Tardenoisian.” Today, the materials of the former reliably correlate with the Shan-Koba Final Paleolithic–Early Mesolithic culture and the second with the Murzak-Koba Late Mesolithic culture (Bibikov, Stanko, & Koen, 1994, pp. 147, 155).

According to Krainov, the burial of a human skull, of which only the occipital bone and a tooth survive, was situated under a rocky wall. These remains lay in a cone-shaped pit 62 cm in diameter, which penetrated 30 cm into the lower part of the lower cultural layer from the violet “hearth” horizon of this layer, 21 cm below the surface. In addition, “a large number of small, indefinable bones of animals and maybe a human,” charcoals, “flint tools and chunks,” as well as “two fish teeth with cuts, which were used as pendants” lay in the pit (Krainov, 1938, pp. 14, 23). On the published drawings of both the finds discussed (Figure 5(1 and 2)), horizontal incisions, which shaped the through holes on the front of their necks, are clearly visible.

Figure 5 
            Pendants of cyprinids pharyngeal teeth (1, 2, 4–22), and diagonally truncated flint blade (3) from: 1, 2 – Zamil-Koba 1 (after Krainov, 1938, Plate V, Figures 4 and 5), 3–22 – Skelia-Kamenolomnia, burial No. 2 (after Haskevych, 2020, p. 157, Figure 4: 3–22).
Figure 5

Pendants of cyprinids pharyngeal teeth (1, 2, 4–22), and diagonally truncated flint blade (3) from: 1, 2 – Zamil-Koba 1 (after Krainov, 1938, Plate V, Figures 4 and 5), 3–22 – Skelia-Kamenolomnia, burial No. 2 (after Haskevych, 2020, p. 157, Figure 4: 3–22).

Although the filling of the pit with “dark soil” distinguished it from both the greyish-white loam and the violet “hearth” horizon with the Shan-Koba materials, Krainov correlated the burial with the “Azilian” period (Krainov, 1938, p. 14). It should be noted that there is only one pharyngeal tooth with a hole among all materials of the Shan-Koba culture. It was found in Layer 6 of the eponymous Shan-Koba site (Bibikov et al., 1994, p. 67, Plate XX: 12). According to a series of radiocarbon dates (Benecke, 2006; Biagi, Khlopachev, & Kiosak, 2014; Manko, 2010, Table 2), this layer was most probably deposited during the Allerød and Dryas III. However, drilling, not cutting a hole distinguishes this find from the Zamil-Koba 1 pendants. Conversely, some personal ornaments made of animal teeth with similar cuts are among the finds of the upper, “Tardenoisian” layer of the Zamil-Koba 1 site (Krainov, 1938, Plate VIII: 9, 10). It may indirectly indicate that the two pendants under discussion are of the Late Mesolithic age too. This is also evidenced by the abundant ornaments made of fish teeth with cuts from Vasylivka II, as well as by the analogous items from the Skelia-Kamenolomnia burial ground.

The cemetery of Skelia-Kamenolomnia (48°17′43.29″ N, 35°9′23.49″ E) was discovered and explored by Bodianskyi in the Dnipro Rapids region in 1954, i.e., a year after the large excavation at Vasylivka II. Like the latter, it was only mentioned in passing in several works of Telegin (1968, p. 175; 1991, p. 64, Figure 28: 14) and an anthropologist Tamara Konduktorova (1973, p. 35). They both cited the most complete source of information about the site, which is unpublished Bodianskyi’s field diary of 1954 housed in the Archives of IA NASU, Fund 64, Folder 1954/11, No. 2186 (Bodianskyi, unpublished 1954). According to this, the cemetery was located on the top of a 35 m high granite rock on the right bank of the Dnipro River between the villages of Voloske and Mayorka, Dnipro district, Dnipropetrovsk region, 12 km north of Vasylivka II (Figure 1). The granite quarry destroyed seven burials there. They were arranged in one row about 11 m in length running from northeast to southwest. The human remains lay at a depth of 1.20–1.45 m, in the lower part of the clay loam, where it contacted the weathered surface of the gneissic-granite rock. The quarry workers communicated that the skeletons occurred in the extended supine position and lay in pairs at a distance of 0.7–1.0 m from each other, with their heads oriented to the west, i.e., perpendicular to the river. Bodianskyi excavated only two burials (one largely destroyed – No. 1, and the other almost intact – No. 2), which were in situ.

Only bones of the left arm have survived from burial No. 1, which is one of the seven destroyed graves mentioned. There were no finds around them. Burial No. 2 (the eighth in the cemetery) was found 1 m to the south of burial No. 1. Probably, they were paired with each other. The skeleton lay on the bottom of a pit about 1.8 m × 0.7 m at a depth of 0.23 m, with inclined uneven walls. The deceased was stretched out on his back, head to the west, arms along the body, and hands near the pelvis. The skull lay on the nape. The workers damaged the facial part, as well as the bones of the feet. A flint “trapeze” was found near an elbow of the deceased. Several Paludinae shells lay near the left foot, to the right of the top part of the right femur and lower ribs. Also, about 30 such shells, as well as fragments of Unio shells, were in the filling of the pit above the tibia. A few perforated teeth of Cyprinidae fish lay to the right of the pelvic bones, below the pelvis and over the ribs. About a dozen of the same ornaments were found under the shinbones at the very feet, three of them – “in one row.” It is specified that in total 14 intact and 4 fragments of such items were discovered at the site (Bodianskyi, unpublished, 1954, pp. 124–134).

Bodianskyi collected also the human bones from the destroyed graves, which were scattered on the surface of the quarry. In particular, he described the one almost complete skull as “burial No. 3.” It was transferred to the Anthropology Museum of Moscow State University, where Konduktorova examined it (Konduktorova, 1973, Figure 12, Table I).

Grave goods from burial No. 2 are currently housed in the scientific repository of the IA NASU. There is the broken thin, long, strongly patinated, diagonally truncated flint blade, mentioned by Bodianskyi as a “trapeze” (Figure 5(3)), 9 intact and 10 fragmented pendants made of cyprinid pharyngeal teeth (Figure 5(4–22)). They were perforated in the manner described for the ornaments from burial No. 1 at Vasylivka II. Holes are present on all intact items, and their traces are found on six of the nine fragmented teeth broken along the cutting line. Based on the “fresh” appearance of the fractures, some pendants were fragmented during or after the excavation (Haskevych, 2020, pp. 157–159).

No finds from the cemetery have been radiocarbon dated. However, the arrangement of the burials in one row, the extended supine position of the skeletons, and the presence of paired graves clearly indicate a late Mesolithic or very early sub-Neolithic date.

In Europe beyond the North-Pontic area, most Stone Age personal ornaments, made of cyprinid teeth, have been found at Mesolithic and Neolithic sites in the Danube catchment. These items are particularly abundant in Late Mesolithic burials in the Iron Gates reach of the Danube. The sites of Vlasac, Schela Cladovei, Kula, and Lepenski Vir yielded both unmodified and perforated items. Their number sometimes reaches several hundred in one burial. For example, at Vlasac, 310 perforated, 255 unmodified, and 77 fragmented teeth were in burial H2 of a woman 30–40 years old, and 252 perforated, 294 unmodified, and 155 fragmented teeth were found in burial H297 of a child. Radiocarbon dates for these burials fall around 6700–6500 BC adjusted for the freshwater reservoir effect (Cristiani & Borić, 2012). The morphology, typology, techniques, functional analysis, chronology, and archaeological context of the finds have been published in detail (Borić & Cristiani, 2016, pp. 95–99; Borić et al., 2014; Cristiani & Borić, 2012; Cristiani, Živaljević, & Borić, 2014; Mărgărit, Radu, Boroneanț, & Bonsall, 2018). This obviates the need to consider these issues here. It should be only emphasised that the holes were made by cutting on the anterior surface of the tooth neck, i.e., in the manner described earlier for the ornaments from Ukraine. By the same token, more than 300 km from the Iron Gates, in western Montenegro, one cyprinid tooth perforated in such a way was found in the Mesolithic layer of the Vrbička Cave site (Figure 2), dated to the late 8th–early 7th millennium BC (Borić & Cristiani, 2016, p. 99).

In addition to the aforementioned facts, ornaments made of pharyngeal teeth were found at three Late Mesolithic sites on the Upper Danube in Germany, almost 1,000 km west of the Iron Gates (Figure 2). Holes are missing on all 12 teeth from the secondary burial of skulls at Hohlenstein-Stadel cave, 14C dated to 7029–6499 cal. BC (hereinafter, all 14C dates have been calibrated using OxCal v 4.4.4 software (Bronk Ramsey, 2009) and the IntCal20 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al., 2020) and are given with a 95.4% confidence level). The hole was not cut but drilled in the lateral surface of the neck of seven teeth from the burial in Falkensteinhöhle site as well as nine teeth from cultural layers 9–11 at the Burghöhle Dietfurt site (Gehlen, 2016, pp. 832–838; Rigaud, Vanhaeren, Queffelec, Le Bourdon, & d’Errico, 2013). This distinguishes them from the pendants of the Iron Gates. The tradition of decorating clothes with pharyngeal teeth of fish survived on the Upper Danube until the Neolithic. This is evidenced by 20 such finds without holes from the burial of a child within the Linear Band Pottery culture settlement of Eichendorf-Aufhausen (about 5300–5200 BC) in Lower Bavaria (Gehlen, 2016, pp. 840–841).

6.2 The Engraved Bone Plates (“Bracelets”)

According to a drawing published by Telegin, and a laconic description in Bodianskyi’s field report, the bone plates (“bracelets”) from Vasylivka II had thinned rounded (oval) ends with one round hole and were decorated with geometrical patterns including meander, zigzag, rhombuses, and triangles. The decoration was applied with both straight and indented cut lines (Figure 6(1–7)). As Gokhman wrote, all the plates were found in burial No. 16 next to the remains of a mature male (Gokhman, 1966, p. 96). In the Rapids region, their closest analogues are two bone items from the site of Kizlevyi Ostriv 5 (Tuboltsev, 2003, p. 40). In 1942, Bodianskyi explored it in the southern part of the now flooded Kizlevyi Island (approximately 48°13′5.07″ N, 35°12′4.21″ E), located in the middle of the Dnipro in front of the Tiahynka gully, about 3 km north of Vasylivka II (Figure 1). Since Bodianskyi was concerned of being considered a collaborator of the German occupiers, he never made public information about this site. Also, there are no field records about it. Thus, the context, where the materials were found, is unknown. They were published after the death of Bodianskyi (Kotova & Tuboltsev, 2013; Tuboltsev, 2003). The collection, which he stored in his home, contains two fragmented bone items of an elongated oval shape with holes at the ends. According to published descriptions and drawings (Kotova & Tuboltsev, 2013, p. 50, Figure 13: 10, 11; Tuboltsev, 2003, p. 38, Figure 6: 16, 18), both were decorated with an ornament consisting of rhombic and triangular zones, as well as straight bands filled with rows of separate subtriangular notches or engraved lines with notches applied to them (Figure 6(8 and 9)).

Figure 6 
            Bone plates from the Dnipro Rapids sites: 1–7 – Vasylivka II (after Telegin, 1991, Figure 15), 8, 9 – Kizlevyi Ostriv 5 (after Tuboltsev, 2003, p. 44, Figure 6: 16, 18).
Figure 6

Bone plates from the Dnipro Rapids sites: 1–7 – Vasylivka II (after Telegin, 1991, Figure 15), 8, 9 – Kizlevyi Ostriv 5 (after Tuboltsev, 2003, p. 44, Figure 6: 16, 18).

The only 14C date from Kizlevyi Ostriv 5 (Ki-7999) 6740 ± 90 BP was measured on an animal bone (Kotova, 2003, p. 122, Table 2) and falls into the range of 5796–5481 cal. BC. However, the flint collection from the site, which consisted of some 5,000 chipped stone artefacts, looks heterogeneous. It is possible that it also included earlier, Mesolithic, materials (Haskevych, 2020, p. 162).

Beyond the North-Pontic area, analogues to the “bracelets” from Vasylivka II are found far to the northwest, in central Poland. They were discovered in burials within the settlements of the Early Chalcolithic Brześć Kujawski culture, dated to 4350–4000/3900 BC (Czerniak & Pyzel, 2019). There, the majority of the deceased of both sexes and all ages were interred flexed on their side, with their head to the south. Decorated plates with one or two holes at each end, made of cattle ribs, are one of the culture-defining features. Most of them were found at the settlements of Krusza Zamkowa 3, Brześć Kujawski 4, and Racot 18 (Figure 2). The largest number in a single burial was 18. Usually, they lie on the hands of the deceased (e.g., Bednarczyk, Czerniak, & Kośko, 1980; Czerniak, 2002, pp. 14–19, Figures 6 and 7).

Researchers commonly note the duality of the Brześć Kujawski culture, which shows the farmer Danube tradition for settlements and burials rites and significant reminiscences of the traditions of the north European hunter-gatherers of the Maglemosian circle for personal ornaments and some tools (Czerniak, 1980, p. 171; 2007, p. 238; 2012, p. 162). However, there is no clear evidence of the genesis of the Brześć Kujawski bone plates among the local foragers of the southern Baltic and Scandinavia, since only single decorated bone plates were found on a few sites (Ralswiek-Augustenhof, Kraghedgård, Ostorf), dated to the same or a later time (Bogucki, 2008, pp. 56–58; Czerniak, 2007, p. 246, Figure 11: 15, 16; Hartz, Lübke, & Terberger, 2007, pp. 585, 589, Figure 15; Lübke, Lüth, & Terberger, 2007, p. 310).

Other analogues for the “bracelets” from Vasylivka II were found far to the east – in the middle cultural layers (2A and 2B) at the Varfolomeevskaya site, located in the steppe Volga-Ural interfluves (Yudin, 2004). Based on a large series of radiocarbon measurements, the excavator dates these layers to about 6200–5200 BC (Yudin, 2014). He interprets the decorated bone plates from there as tools for ceramic production as well as personal ornaments – pendants (Yudin, 2004, pp. 93–104, 120–124). The elongated oval shape and the presence of holes at the end bring them closer to the items under discussion. However, their decoration is not so similar. Likewise, some morphological and stylistic likeness with the plates from Vasylivka II can be seen in the engraved bone and antler items from the Late Mesolithic site of Razdorskaya 2 on the Lower Don. A series of 14C measurements date this site to the 7th millennium BC. These finds were interpreted as “pendants,” given the presence of two holes at one end (Gorelik, Tsybrii, & Tsybrii, 2014, pp. 255, 268–269, Figure 15).

6.3 The “Mediterranean (?)” Spiral Shells

The mention by Bodianskyi of “necklaces made of specific spiral Mediterranean (?) shells,” found in Vasylivka II, drew the attention only of Kotova, who literally cited these words (Kotova, 2010, p. 88). To date, there is no other information about finds of shells of Mediterranean molluscs and personal ornaments made of them at the Mesolithic and Neolithic sites in the Dnipro Rapids. However, such artefacts are quite widely represented at synchronous sites in South, South-Eastern, and Central Europe. Most often these are the shells of Spondylus, Columbella rustica, Cyclope neritea (Grünberg, 2013, pp. 247–248). The last two species could be called “spiral.” Their finds are known in the Early Mesolithic layers of Cuina Turcului rock shelter as well as in Late Mesolithic contexts at Ostrovul Banului and Vlasac, all in the Iron Gates area (Boroneanţ, 1973, Planche IV: 9; Cristiani & Borić, 2012, p. 3465). The discovery of ornaments made of such shells at a distance of more than 400–500 km from a possible source of origin (the southeastern coast of the Adriatic and northern shores of the Aegean Sea) indicates an advanced exchange of them over very long distances (Cristiani & Borić, 2012, p. 3467). Thus, their diffusion in the Dnipro Rapids region from the same source(s) as those from the Iron Gates also looks quite probable, but it remains unproven now because of the temporal or irrevocable loss of the most grave goods from Vasylivka II.

6.4 The “Vessel” Made of a Terrapin’s Carapace

The “treated” dorsal shell of a terrapin from Vasylivka II was mentioned by Gokhman (1966, p. 96) as goods from grave No. 27, where a mature male was interred. Analogues of it were found in several other burial grounds in the Dnipro Rapids region. For example, they accompanied extended supine skeletons in burials No. 2 and No. 5 at the Mykilske I (Nenasytets) burial ground, located across the river opposite Vasylivka II (Bodianskyi, 1951, p. 168). It has not been dated by radiocarbon, but its Late Mesolithic or early sub-Neolithic age is evident given the funerary tradition and the absence of pottery. Eight scutes of one (?) terrapin shell were found in a burial within the sub-Neolithic settlement of Ihren V (“Horodok”), 27.4 km north of Vasylivka II (Figure 1). Individual scutes were found in burials No. 33 and No. 35 at the Vovnihy II burial ground, as well as in the collective grave pit “A” at the Mykilske II burial ground (Telegin, 1991, pp. 49, 51). The last two cemeteries are dated to the late sub-Neolithic (Hedges et al. 1995b, p. 427; Lillie, 1998, Table I; Kotova, 2018, p. 57).

In remote areas, the shells of European pond turtle (Emys orbicularis) are known in the Mesolithic burials of the forest zone of Europe, in Sweden (Skateholm II), Germany (Bad Dürrenberg), Poland (Dudka), and Latvia (Zvejnieki). However, only in the burial of a woman and a newborn in Bad Dürrenberg, three unbroken carapaces were laid in. In the other cases mentioned, individual scutes of terrapins were found (Grünberg, 2013, pp. 244–245; Gumiński & Bugajska, 2016, pp. 496–501).

6.5 The Unio Shells

On the Dnipro Rapids, in addition to Vasylivka II, numerous unmodified shells of Unio river molluscs are among the finds from the Mesolithic Vasylivka I and Vasylivka III cemeteries (Telegin, 1982, pp. 205–210), as well as the sub-Neolithic cemeteries of Vovnihy II, Mykilske II, Nenasytets, Vilnianka, and Yasynovate I (Telegin, 1991). In synchronous burials located outside the region, such shells are ubiquitous, but most often they occurred in burial grounds of the Baltic zone (Grünberg, 2013, pp. 246–248, Figure 8).

6.6 The Deer (Elk) Incisors

Bodianskyi and Gokhman reported discovering in Vasylivka II unmodified incisors of a “deer” and “elk,” respectively. According to Gokhman (1966, p. 96), they all accompanied the skeleton of a mature male with bone “bracelets” in burial No. 16. Analogues of them are absent among burial goods of the other Mesolithic cemeteries in the region (Telegin, 1982, pp. 205–210). Also, such items are not mentioned in Telegin’s book on the sub-Neolithic burial grounds of the Mariupol type (Telegin, 1991). It should be noted that one of the most typical finds from almost all local sub-Neolithic necropolises is a pendant made of a rudimentary reindeer tooth with a drilled hole (Telegin, 1991, p. 16, Figure 13, Tabe 1). However, such ornaments are absent from Vasylivka II, which distinguishes it from the rest of the burial grounds, which was first stressed by Bodianskyi (unpublished, 1953, p. 24).

Beyond the region, beads and pendants made of deer and elk incisors are very numerous in Mesolithic and sub-Neolithic burials in northern Europe. Much less often, unmodified teeth of these animals are found there (Grünberg, 2013, pp. 233–236, Figure 2a). For example, in the Olenij Ostrov burial ground on lake Onega, the finds of untreated elk incisors are characterised by the words “as an exception,” while pendants made of such incisors amount “up to 4,500 items” (Gurina, 1956, pp. 17, 138).

7 Vasylivka II. Bioarchaeological Records

7.1 Craniology

Gokhman mentioned the remains of at least 17 individuals from Vasylivka II in the collection stored at the MAE (the Kunstkamera). In particular, he characterised the long bones of 12 individuals, as well as skulls of 11 males and five females (Gokhman, 1958; 1966, pp. 96–131). While studying the skulls from Vasylivka II, he first distinguished two variants – dolichocephalic and meso-brachycephalic – of the Late Mesolithic and sub-Neolithic populations in the Dnipro region.

The dolichocephalic individuals (male skulls No. 11, 19, and 23, and female skull No. 18) have a very high neurocranium, a highly developed supraorbital ridge, a straight medium-wide forehead, and a slightly protruding rounded occiput. The face is moderately tall and wide, mesognathic or orthognathic. Its horizontal profile is very sharp. Orbits are low. The nasal opening is of narrow or medium width and moderate height. The nose bridge is straight, relatively narrow, and high. The nose protrusion is strong (Gokhman, 1966, p. 129).

The meso-brachycephalic individuals (male skulls No. 10, 12, 16, 17, and 21 and female skulls No. 8, 22, 24, and 25) have a high or medium-high (for brachycephalic skulls) neurocranium of medium or very considerable width. The forehead is very wide, moderately retreating, with well-developed superciliary arches. The occiput is angular, less often rounded. The face is very broad, medium-high, orthognathic or mesognathic, sometimes with mild alveolar prognathism. The horizontal profiling is weak in both the top and the middle. The orbits are very wide and low. The piriform opening is wide or medium-sized, sometimes narrow on female skulls. The nose bridge is wide and rather low. The angle of the nose is wide. The dorsum profile of the nasal bones is concave (Gokhman, 1966, p. 130).

Gokhman noted a combination of the characteristics of both variants in the dolichocephalic male skull No. 20, which has a very high neurocranium, very wide cheekbones, and a significant flattening of the face (Gokhman, 1966, p. 131).

In general, both described variants belong to the massive late Cro-Magnon type. The presence of dissimilar skulls in the one burial ground may suggest the group of Vasylivka II was mixed. The presence of individuals of different craniological groups in paired burials (for example, No. 23 and No. 24) confirms this too (Gokhman, 1966, p. 129). But, based on the available radiocarbon dates, the dolichocephalic individual No. 18 is later than three meso-brachycephalic individuals No. 21, 22, 27 (Tables 1 and 2).

Gokhman compared the average craniological indicators for Vasylivka II with the indicators for the earlier Mesolithic burial grounds of Vasylivka I and Vasylivka III, as well as for the later sub-Neolithic burial grounds of Vovnihy II and Vilnianka. From the results, he concluded that the sub-Neolithic series stand between the Early Mesolithic and the series from Vasylivka II. The reason for this is the numerical superiority and expressive characteristics of the meso-brachycephalic individuals in Vasylivka II (Gokhman 1966, pp. 174–181). Thus, the striking uniqueness of the group from the cemetery allowed him to assert that “the fact of the emergence of a new population in the Dnipro Rapids–North Azov Sea region at the turn of the Mesolithic and Neolithic may be considered proven” (Gokhman, 1966, p. 182).

The genesis of the dolichocephalic variant of Vasylivka II on the basis of some local Early Mesolithic populations is generally accepted (Potekhina, 1999, pp. 131–133), and the issue of the genesis of the meso-brachycephalic variant has not yet been unambiguously resolved. Gokhman and Konduktorova saw its origins in the unspecified forest-steppe regions of Eastern Europe. However, they did not compare the Vasylivka II series with the series from other burial grounds outside the Dnipro-Azov area. Instead, they and Georgiy Debets combined all skulls from this burial ground with the skulls from all sub-Neolithic cemeteries of Mariupol type examined up to that time. In their opinion, this combined series mostly resembled the skulls from the Epipaleolithic burial grounds of Afalu-bu-Rummel and Taforalt in North Africa, four skulls of the Ertebølle culture in Denmark published to that time, as well as some skulls from the Olenij Ostrov burial ground in Karelia (Debets, 1966, p. 22; Gokhman, 1966, pp. 174–184; Konduktorova, 1973, pp. 48–49).

In the 1970s, the first results of anthropological studies of the Stone Age population in the Iron Gates became available. The dead from the Danube Valley sites were divided into several types and subtypes (see review: Mikić, 1981, pp. 44–65; 1992). Among them of special interest are rare, very robust relict Upper Palaeolithic individuals resembling the Brno-Předmostí ancient European race, and relatively numerous more gracile forms closest to the Cro-Magnon race. The latter is regarded as an indigenous population, while the former, represented only at Vlasac (type A-I), were considered migrants from elsewhere. The skulls of individuals from burials 55 and 78a are mentioned as the most representative of this type (Mikić, 1981, p. 47; 1992, p. 35). It is noteworthy that in burial No. 78a, seven perforated cyprinid pharyngeal teeth and one spiral shell of the Mediterranean mollusc Cyclope neritea were found (Cristiani et al., 2014, p. 294, Table 1). Unfortunately, no one has intentionally compared the metric indicators of both the mentioned types and the two craniological variants from the Dnipro Rapids. Instead, the combined Meso-Neolithic series from the Iron Gates sites was compared with the combined series from other regions. As a result, it was found that the series from the Mariupol type cemeteries in Ukraine showed the greatest similarity to it (Alekseev, 1979, p. 50; Zoffmann, 2000, p. 75).

For the first time, Inna Potekhina (1999) applied principal component analysis and factor analysis to materials from several sub-Neolithic burial grounds from the Dnipro region as well as the combined series from the Mariupol-type cemeteries. She concluded that there had been significant morphological isolation of the Vasylivka II group when compared to the rest of the local Mesolithic and sub-Neolithic populations (Potekhina, 1999, pp. 90–92, 133–134). In addition, in the series from the burial grounds of Yasynovate I and Vilnianka as well as the series from the entire region, she identified two main craniological variants, which generally correspond to the two variants of Vasylivka II identified by Gokhman. Her comparison of the combined Neolithic series from the Dnipro region and the skulls from remote territories showed its greatest similarity to the Mesolithic burial ground of Popovo in the Arkhangelsk region in the Russian Federation (Figure 2), which belongs to the Kunda culture. Five radiocarbon measurements on human bones (Oshibkina, 2007, p. 44) date this cemetery to 9265–8346 cal. BC and 7025–6086 cal. BC (without correcting for the freshwater reservoir effect). According to Potekhina (1999, p. 147), the territory near the Lacha, Vozha, and Beloe lakes, where Popovo is located, could be the place of origin of the meso-brachycephalic variant from whence it spread to the Dnipro region. She also pointed out possible northwesterly contacts of the meso-brachycephalic population of Ukraine, based on the similarity of their skulls to those from the Vedbæk and Skateholm burial grounds in the Western Baltic (Potekhina, 1999, p. 142).

7.2 Odontometry, Dental, and Jaw Pathology

In the late 1950s, Gokhman recorded that another peculiarity of the individuals from Vasylivka II is the frequent presence of torus mandibularis. This osseous pathology is present on 3 of the 16 skulls examined by him. They are adult males of the meso-brachycephalic (No. 12, 27) and mixed (No. 20) variants. In contrast, torus mandibularis is recorded on only 1% of skulls from the other local burial grounds studied by him (Gokhman, 1966, pp. 110, 177).

On a global scale, torus mandibularis shows a strong clinal distribution with the highest frequencies in northern latitudes. Although torus mandibularis has some hereditary component, it has a strong environmental component of variance. How the latter influences torus expression remains enigmatic (Scott, Schomberg, Swenson, Adams, & Pilloud, 2016).

Based on data presented by Mirjana Roksandić (1999, pp. 255–260), in the Iron Gates, torus mandibularis occurs on 63.6% of lower jaws examined from Padina, 45.4% from Vlasac, 40.0% from Hajdučka Vodenica, and 19.6% from Lepenski Vir (Haskevych, 2020, p. 172). It is noteworthy that at Vlasac, perforated fish teeth were found in burials No. 14, 60, 74, and 78a (Cristiani et al., 2014, p. 294, Table 1), where individuals with torus mandibularis (Roksandić, 1999, pp. 256, 258) were interred. In addition, individual No. 78a is one of the individuals referred to the possibly intrusive robust craniological type A-I.

Aleksander Zubov examined the size and shape characteristics of 138 human molars from Vasylivka II. He noted the relatively large size of the teeth in the series and included them in the “macrodont” group, which also contained some past and modern equatorial and mongoloid populations (Zubov, 1968). Subsequently, based on these data, Potekhina stated that the teeth from Vasylivka II are larger than those from the sub-Neolithic cemetery of Vovnihy II (Potekhina, 1999, pp. 75–86).

In the late 1980s, Jacobs (1994a) investigated the odontological characteristics of the deceased from the Dnipro Rapids cemeteries, in particular Vasylivka II. However, he did not provide data from individual sites but included Vasylivka II in a combined “Neolithic” series. His generalised conclusion is an increase in dental and gnathic dimensions between the Mesolithic and sub-Neolithic cemetery samples. Since other instances of the Neolithic transition demonstrate the opposite trend, Jacobs suggested a connection of the observed dynamics with possible gene flow into the Dnipro region, which increased the overall robustness of the skeletons, including skulls, jaws, and teeth. Searching for the origin of this gene flow, he excluded the territories of the north of Eastern Europe because the Mesolithic people from Olenij Ostrov had smaller teeth. He also noted that according to the available data on the teeth from the Iron Gates Mesolithic site of Vlasac, their size was larger than that of teeth from the Ukrainian Mesolithic, but not in the order likely to produce the Ukrainian sub-Neolithic dental increase.

In the mid-1990s, Lillie examined human remains from Vasylivka II and noted the presence of dental calculus in half of the studied individuals interred there, and the absence of caries on their teeth. This made it possible to characterize their nutrition as rich in proteins, and not in starch found in cereals, roots, and seeds (Lillie, 1996, pp. 138–140). He also concluded that the pathological markers evident on the skeletal materials indicate that the subsistence economy remained relatively stable during the Mesolithic and Neolithic in Ukraine. The absence of caries and the consistent occurrence of calculus and enamel hypoplasias confirm the consumption of a primarily meat-oriented/high-protein diet during these periods.

7.3 Body Size and Shape

These characteristics are estimated from skeletal dimensions through calculations based on the indices computed from the limb bones. The preservation of the postcranial parts of the skeletons in Vasylivka II is poor. Only tubular bones have survived among most of them. They are all very large and robust, but with a slightly smoothed relief. In measuring them, Gokhman calculated the stature of eight adult men in the range of 167.0–175.0 cm, and five women in the range 158.0–166.7 cm. Therefore, the average stature of males was 172.7 cm and females was 162.7 cm (Gokhman, 1966, pp. 118–127, Table 22).

Comparison of the results provided by Gokhman with the calculated stature of the Mesolithic people from different parts of Europe shows the greatest similarity of individuals from Vasylivka II with the populations from the Eastern Baltic and Karelia, as well as the inhabitants of the Iron Gates. For example, the average height of males from Schela Cladovei was 182 cm and of females was 165 cm (Boroneanţ et al., 1999, p. 389). In another publication, the mean statures of 12 males and five females from this site are referred to as 174.9 cm and 163.8 cm, respectively (Niskanen, Ruff, Holt, Sládek, & Berner, 2018, p. 77). For the Vlasac population, a mean stature of 172.5 cm was calculated from the remains of 14 males and 159.5 cm for 12 females (Formicola & Giannecchini, 1999, Table 4a). A similar average (171.5 cm) was calculated for 17 Late Mesolithic males from Latvia. However, the females from there were somewhat shorter (156.0 cm) than those in the Dnipro Rapids region, based on the bones of six individuals (Gerhards, 2005, Table 1). Bones of 34 males and 17 females from Olenij Ostrov indicated the average stature of 173.1 and 162.6 cm, respectively (Formicola & Giannecchini, 1999, Table 4a). Unlike the sites mentioned, bone lengths, and hence stature, of the Mesolithic people of both sexes from the Mediterranean basin (El Collado, Arene Candide, Uzzo, and Molara), Western Europe (Muge, Téviec, and Hœdic), and Southern Scandinavia (Vedbæk, Zealand, and Skateholm) were equally significantly smaller (Formicola & Giannecchini, 1999, Table 4a, 4b; Jacobs, 1993, pp. 318–320).

It should be noted that data derived using different equations have been compared earlier. However, even taking into account the possible error, it is obvious that the stature of the Mesolithic population of the Iron Gates was more similar to that of the Dnipro basin inhabitants compared with the territories to the south, west, and north of the Danube.

7.4 Stable Isotope Analysis

In the early 1990s, Jacobs was the first to provide stable isotope data on the bone collagen from Vasylivka II. As a result, he obtained the δ13C ratios of three individuals, the radiocarbon ages of which were also measured. In addition, Jacobs found that the barium concentration in human bones from Vasylivka II was almost twice that of bones from the earlier, neighbouring cemetery of Vasylivka III. However, he did not publish any specific δ13C and Ba ratios, as well as sequence numbers of samples and burials (Jacobs, 1993, 1994a,b). In his opinion, these results show a decrease in the consumption of animal protein and an increase in the consumption of plants, particularly cereal grains (Jacobs, 1993, pp. 313, 322). As another possible food source, he proposed C4 plants, e.g., “wild millet” and “lambs quarters” or other species of the genus Chenopodium, growing in the northern Black Sea area (Jacobs, 1994a, p. 14; 1994b, pp. 57–58). Matching this with the increase in the robustness of the skeletons, Jakobs concluded that the simultaneous intensification of physical activity and a plant-based diet might be a consequence of the adoption to a significant extent of certain aspects of a typically “Neolithic” subsistence already in the 7th millennium BC (Jacobs, 1993, 1994a,b).

In 1996, Lillie published the precise generalised range of δ13C ratios (from −19.5 to −20.4‰), previously announced by Jacobs. Lillie suggested that these values correspond to those expected for humans consuming a mixture of the flesh of herbivores feeding on C3 plants and C3 plants themselves (Lillie, 1996, p. 136). He emphasised that this conclusion agrees with the results of his odontological studies.

In 2003, Lillie (2003, p. 7) briefly mentioned the average results of a new series of the δ13C and δ15N values measured on human bones from Vasylivka II. Three years later, in co-authorship with Jacobs (by then deceased), Lillie presented details of these new measurements on 14 individuals; the δ13C ratios varied from –20.14 to –21.84‰, and δ15N from 12.35 to 14.74‰ (Lillie & Jacobs, 2006, pp. 881, 883, Table 1). It is noteworthy that they include the results of the analyses on samples with the same museum numbers as three previously measured samples. In all three cases, the newly obtained δ13C ratios became more negative. Only one of them differs by c. 0.1‰, which is within the typical replicate measurement error. The difference between the old and new ratios for the two others is approximately 0.4 and 2‰ (Table 2). However, the previous results are not mentioned in the article. Thus, the reason for these shifts remains unexplained. Another important feature of the article is the change of sequence numbers of the burials (they are also skeletons and skulls) when compared to those previously given by Gokhman. Thanks to both Gokhman and Lillie reporting the same museum numbers, the lists of the burials analysed could be harmonised. This is confirmed by the correspondence of the sex and age determinations, published by the respective with a 40-year gap (Table 2).

Table 2

Comparison of inventory data and results of anthropological and isotopic studies on human bones from Vasylivka II, taken from various records

MAE No. Burial No. Age Sex δ13C (‰)** δ15N (‰) C:N ratios Craniological variant
by Gokhman (1966); Lillie & Jacobs (2006) By Gokhman (1966)/Lillie & Jacobs (2006) By Hedges et al. (1995a)/Lillie & Jacobs (2006) By Lillie & Jacobs (2006) By Gokhman (1966)
6285-2 8/II Senilis*/50–60 F/F −/–21.10 13.12 3.3 Meso-brachycephalic
6285-5 11/V Adultus/25–30 M/M −/–20.95 13.78 3.3 Dolichocephalic
6285-6 12/VI Maturus/30–40 M/M −/–21.03 13.62 3.4 Meso-brachycephalic
6285-7 14/VII −/50–60 M/M −/–20.68 13.79 3.2
6285-9 16/IX Maturus/50–60 M/M −/–21.84 12.35 3.3 Meso-brachycephalic
6285-11 18/XI Adultus/18–25 F/F −/–20.21 12.80 3.3 Dolichocephalic
6285-12 19/XII Maturus/40–45 M/M −/–21.28 12.97 3.2 Dolichocephalic
6285-15 22/XV Adultus/18–25 F/F –20,1/–20.18 13.21 3.1 Meso-brachycephalic
6285-16 23/XVI −/20–30 M/M −/–20.14 14.74 3.5 Dolichocephalic
6285-17 24/XVII Maturus/40–50 F/F −/–21.45 12.81 3.5 Meso-brachycephalic
6285-18 25/XVIII Adultus/18–22 F/F −/–21.18 14.32 3.3 Meso-brachycephalic
6285-19 27/XIX Maturus/40–50 M/M –19,5/–21.48 12.89 3.4 Meso-brachycephalic
6285-20 ?/XX −/Adult M/M –20,4/–20.82 13.60 3.3
6285-21 ?/XXI −/Adult M/M −/–20.84 13.54 3.3

*The age groups were given according to the standard set by Alekseev and Debets (1964, p. 39), used by earlier researchers in Eastern Europe, these being: Infantilis I = <6–7 years, Infantilis II = <13–14 years, Juvenis = 13–20 years, Adultus = up to 30–35 years, Maturus = up to 50–55 years, Senilis = >55 years.

**The δ13C and δ15N values were measured at the Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the History of Art, Oxford, using a Roboprep CHN Analyser coupled with Europa 20/20 isotope ratio monitoring mass spectrometer.

? − Burial No. was unknown to Gokhman.

The wider range of the new results allowed Lillie to modify previous ideas about the diet of the Vasylivka II group. He believed that the higher nitrogen values (compared to the previous results for Mesolithic burials in the region) could indicate a slightly higher input from freshwater fish, or the exploitation of fish species from higher trophic levels of the riverine ecosystem. In turn, the broader spread of δ13C ratios reflects the mixed diet, which includes a wide spectrum of terrestrial resources of both animal and plant origin, as well as different freshwater resources. However, on average the δ13C values of Vasylivka II are more positive than evidenced elsewhere in the vicinity (Figure 7), whether from earlier, contemporaneous or later cemeteries (Lillie & Jacobs, 2006, pp. 882–884).

Figure 7 
            Scatterplot of δ15N and δ13C isotope values of human bones from: 1 – Vasylivka II cemetery (according to data from Lillie and Jacobs, 2006, p. 881, Table 1); 2–9 – Mesolithic (2, 3) and subNeolithic (4–9) cemeteries in the Dnipro region (according to data from: Lillie & Richards, 2000, p. 966, Table 1; Lillie et al. 2009, pp. 260, 261, Tables 3–5; 2011, p. 62, Table 1; Lillie, Henderson, Budd, & Potekhina, 2016, p. 747, Table 2; Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplementary Table 6; Budd, Potekhina, & Lillie, 2020, p. 8, Table 2); 10–19 – Mesolithic and Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates region (Schela Cladovei – according to data from Bonsall et al., 1997, p. 65, Table 4; all other – according to data collected in Jovanović et al., 2019, online resource 2 and 3 with all linked references). Illustration by D. Haskevych. Legend: 1 – Vasylivka II, 2 – Vasylivka IIІ, 3 – Mar’ivka, 4 – Deriivka I, 5 – Mykilske ІІ, 6 – Vasylivka V; 7 – Yasynovate I; 8 – Vilnianka; 9 – Vovnihy II; 10 – Hajdučka Vodenica (M); 11 – Hajdučka Vodenica (TEN); 12 – Icoana (TEN); 13 – Lepenski Vir (M); 14 – Lepenski Vir (TEN); 15 – Lepenski Vir (E-MN); 16 – Padina (M); 17 – Padina (TEN); 18 – Schela Cladovei (M); 19 – Vlasac (M). Numbers – Vasylivka II burial numbers (after Gokhman, 1966). Dash line – the conditional boundary of the “Dnipro” and “Danube” values of δ13C. Abbreviations: M – Mesolithic (before 6200 cal. BC); TEN – Transition to Early Neolithic (6200–5900 cal. BC); E-MN – Early-Middle Neolithic (5900–5500 cal. BC).
Figure 7

Scatterplot of δ15N and δ13C isotope values of human bones from: 1 – Vasylivka II cemetery (according to data from Lillie and Jacobs, 2006, p. 881, Table 1); 2–9 – Mesolithic (2, 3) and subNeolithic (4–9) cemeteries in the Dnipro region (according to data from: Lillie & Richards, 2000, p. 966, Table 1; Lillie et al. 2009, pp. 260, 261, Tables 3–5; 2011, p. 62, Table 1; Lillie, Henderson, Budd, & Potekhina, 2016, p. 747, Table 2; Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplementary Table 6; Budd, Potekhina, & Lillie, 2020, p. 8, Table 2); 10–19 – Mesolithic and Neolithic sites in the Iron Gates region (Schela Cladovei – according to data from Bonsall et al., 1997, p. 65, Table 4; all other – according to data collected in Jovanović et al., 2019, online resource 2 and 3 with all linked references). Illustration by D. Haskevych. Legend: 1 – Vasylivka II, 2 – Vasylivka IIІ, 3 – Mar’ivka, 4 – Deriivka I, 5 – Mykilske ІІ, 6 – Vasylivka V; 7 – Yasynovate I; 8 – Vilnianka; 9 – Vovnihy II; 10 – Hajdučka Vodenica (M); 11 – Hajdučka Vodenica (TEN); 12 – Icoana (TEN); 13 – Lepenski Vir (M); 14 – Lepenski Vir (TEN); 15 – Lepenski Vir (E-MN); 16 – Padina (M); 17 – Padina (TEN); 18 – Schela Cladovei (M); 19 – Vlasac (M). Numbers – Vasylivka II burial numbers (after Gokhman, 1966). Dash line – the conditional boundary of the “Dnipro” and “Danube” values of δ13C. Abbreviations: M – Mesolithic (before 6200 cal. BC); TEN – Transition to Early Neolithic (6200–5900 cal. BC); E-MN – Early-Middle Neolithic (5900–5500 cal. BC).

Potekhina stated that the average barium concentration in the human bones measured by Jacobs from Vasylivka II was “230,” which contrasts sharply with the value of “136” measured by him for the Vasylivka III burial ground. Probably, the numbers cited are indexes of log (Ba/Ca) “−2.30” and “−1.36,” respectively. As the source of the information, she referred to the article by Jacobs, where these data are absent (Potekhina, 2005, p. 169). Thus, the actual source remained unspecified.

Subsequently, Lillie and co-authors reinterpreted the Vasylivka II subsistence as being divergent from the general trend for the region. Despite acknowledging that an analysis of δ13C and δ15N ratios is not intended to be used to distinguish local from nonlocal individuals, they nevertheless suggested that the source of carbon in the diet of the Vasylivka II group could have differed from the main sources throughout the Dnipro Basin. Hence, it appears that this population “had recently moved into the region and had not resided for a length of time sufficient to allow their stable isotope ratios to reach equilibrium with the local environmental ranges” (Lillie et al., 2012, p. 86).

Finally, in 2018, new stable isotope values from Vasylivka II were published within the scope of an extensive ancient DNA study. The adult dolichocephalic female from burial 18 produced ratios of −20.09‰ for δ13C and 13.71‰ for δ15N, C:N = 3.44 (Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplementary Table 6). Comparing them with the values obtained by Lillie for the same skeleton shows the δ13C ratio shifted by only 0.12‰, and the δ15N ratio became more positive by 0.91‰ (Table 2).

In some earlier studies, where isotopic values for Vasylivka II were reported, the results from Ukraine were compared with those for the Iron Gates Mesolithic sites (Lillie, 2003, p. 7; Lillie & Jacobs, 2006, p. 883). The main reason for this is the leading rates of studying the palaeodiet of the population in the Middle Danube, where stable C- and N-isotope data for a large series of Mesolithic human bones along with the bones of fish and animals were published already in mid-1990s (Bonsall et al., 1997, 2000). Values of about −20 to −19‰ for δ13C and values of about 14 to 16‰ for δ15N were reported for humans from the sites of Vlasac, Lepenski Vir, and Schela Cladovei (Figure 7). According to these data, throughout the Mesolithic, the local Danube groups would have had access to two isotopically distinct major protein sources – riverine food and terrestrial herbivores. However, the bulk of the protein was thought to be derived from riverine fish, including anadromous species (Bonsall et al., 1997, 2000, pp. 120–122; 2004, p. 297; Borić, Grupe, Peters, & Mikić, 2004). Based on this, the difference in the isotopic values of the bones of the Mesolithic inhabitants of the Iron Gates and the Meso-Neolithic population in the Dnipro Rapids region was explained by the consumption of more terrestrial herbivores in Ukraine (Lillie & Richards, 2000, pp. 966–968) and/or as a reflection of some peculiarity of the freshwater ecosystem of the Dnipro catchment when compared to that of the Danube (Lillie et al., 2003, p. 748) due to the possible input of groundwater carbon (Lillie & Jacobs 2006, p. 882). On the other hand, it was noted that the relatively positive δ13C and δ15N values of several individuals from Vasylivka II were closer to the Iron Gates Mesolithic values (Lillie, 2003, p. 7), which were linked with a more abundant freshwater diet and exploitation of fish species of higher trophic levels (Lillie & Jacobs, 2006, p. 883; Lillie et al., 2011, p. 63).

New stable isotopic studies including δ34S analysis have supplemented and clarified the data on the subsistence of the Mesolithic Iron Gates populations (Bonsall et al., 2015; Jovanović et al., 2019). The local Late Mesolithic humans consumed more anadromous fish, which may explain some shift in the δ13C and δ15N ratios towards “marine” values. In addition, the possible eating of dogs is discussed there as a reason influencing the results of the analysis (Bonsall, 2008; Jovanović et al., 2019). However, this does not change the previous findings regarding the differences/similarities of the diet of the Danube and Dnipro Mesolithic individuals.

7.5 DNA

To date, DNA was extracted from only two Vasylivka II individuals – the mature dolichocephalic woman No. 18 and the mature meso-brachycephalic man No. 21. They both belong to the U5b2 mtDNA subclade. In terms of the generally accepted subdivision into groups by genetic relatedness to a hypothesised set of ancestral populations (Haak et al., 2015; Lazaridis et al., 2014), these results are interpreted as representatives of the “Eastern” hunter-gatherers (EHG), according to the supervised ADMIXTURE analysis, that modelled each ancient individual as a mixture of populations represented by four main clusters, regarded as European Mesolithic. Similar results were also obtained for the chronologically older Early Mesolithic in the Dnipro Rapids. However, the local younger sub-Neolithic burial grounds having generally EHG affiliation demonstrate frequent, although not massive, admixtures of the “Western” hunter-gatherers (WHG) component (Mathieson et al., 2018, Figure 1: D).

In contrast, according to the aforementioned model, the Mesolithic population of the Iron Gates turned out to be a typical WHG with rare admixtures of EHG components (Mathieson et al., 2018, Figure 1: D). It should be noted that the bearers of the same subclade U5b2, which was recorded in Vasylivka II, are among them. Thus, in the Iron Gates area, they were found in synchronous burials at Schela Cladovei (male M95/2), Vlasac (female H232), and Hajdučka Vodenica (male No. 21 and No. 31). In addition, the man from Vasylivka II and the man from Hajdučka Vodenica (No. 31) are of the same Y-DNA subclade R1b1a (González-Fortes et al., 2017, p. 4, Table 1; Mathieson et al., 2018, Supplement, Table 1). It is noteworthy that 27 fish teeth, including nine perforated ones, were found in burial H232 at Vlasac (Borić et al., 2014, p. 14, Table 3), which has been shown to have some EHG traits (Mathieson et al., 2018, Figure 1: D).

8 Results and Discussion

Among the aforementioned data, a few well-established facts that provide a starting point for further discussion can be summed up as follows:

  1. In the Late Mesolithic, a group of people, who used personal ornaments made of perforated pharyngeal teeth of fish characteristic of the Late Mesolithic site in the Danube Iron Gates area, lived on the Dnipro Rapids. In the 1950s, such items were found in the cemeteries of Vasylivka II and Skelia Kamenolomnia.

  2. Among the people buried at Vasylivka II, there are some individuals whose δ13C values approach those of the population in the contemporaneous sites in the Iron Gates (Figure 7).

  3. Unfortunately, it is impossible to confirm whether the “Danube” type ornaments correspond to the “Danube” δ13C level, since most of the finds from Vasylivka II, as well as information about their presence in specific burials, are missing. Conversely, in two cases where the ornaments are available (burial No. 1 in Vasylivka II and burial No. 2 in Skelia Kamenolonia), the current location of the associated human remains is unknown. Accordingly, the latter are not available for physicochemical or bioarcheological study.

  4. Groups, who used only ornaments made of unmodified pharyngeal teeth of fish, lived in the region contemporaneously with the bearers of the above tradition. The δ13C values of their bones are more negative than those in the Iron Gates and Vasylivka II. An example of such a group is individuals interred in the Mar’ivka burial ground, c. 300 m from Vasylivka II.

These observations suggest that the presence of the human remains with δ13C values and a grave goods similar to those of the Iron Gates, within the same site, is not accidental. To explain this, the hypothesis has been proposed that several individuals, who previously lived in the Iron Gates, were buried in Vasylivka II (Haskevych, 2020).

Since the current state of research does not allow unambiguous confirmation of this interpretation, its probability is verified by indirect data, which have increased the number of characteristics that are common to the humans from Vasylivka II and the Iron Gates. These are: very similar burial rites in the form of the extended supine inhumations, a relatively frequent occurrence of the jaw pathology torus mandibularis, and the same DNA subclades, which were recorded in Vasylivka II, Schela Cladovei, Vlasac, and Hajdučka Vodenica. Attention should also be paid to the quite high similarity of the generalised craniological characteristics of the Mesolithic inhabitants from both regions, as well as the similar size of their teeth and limb bones (Haskevych, 2020).

In addition, Jacobs’ mention about the barium content in the bones from Vasylivka II was higher than that measured for the neighbouring burial ground of Vasylivka III should be remembered. The barium content is not used for the study of ancient diet, but together with the strontium content is considered as a possible marker indicating a specific geographical area (Burton, Price, Cahue, & Wright, 2003). This is because barium enters the human body not only in food but also through drinking water. In the latter case, it comes mainly from natural sediments, containing some barium ore, which is leached and eroded by groundwater (World Health Organization, 2016, pp. 1–4). In this regard, it is interesting that considerable deposits of barites are absent from the Dnipro region, but such were exploited industrially close to Negotin city near the Iron Gates (Brobst, 1970, p. 19).

In light of the aforementioned facts, if the supposed movement of some people did take place, the diet of the people buried in Vasylivka II should be analysed not as a whole, but from the characteristics of specific individuals. In this case, it is reasonable to create the simplest model of the Vasylivka II population, dividing the latter into two conditional groups – with “Dnipro” and “Danube” δ13C values. The value −21‰ can be a separator as the arithmetic mean of the most positive (burial No. 23) and the most negative (burial No. 16) values. Thus, each emerged group consists of seven individuals (Figure 7).

Comparison of the δ13C model with Gokhman’s craniometrical variants (Table 2) shows that three dolichocephalic, one meso-brachycephalic and three individuals of undefined type form the “Danube” group. On the contrary, the “Dnipro” group consists of six meso-brachycephalic and only one dolichocephalic individual (Figure 8). Therefore, the dolichocephals, which are traditionally considered as the local inhabitants of the Dnipro Rapids, show hypothetically Danubian origin. And vice versa, the meso-brachycephals look local, although they were previously considered as obvious migrants.

Figure 8 
               Vasylivka II. Scatterplot of δ15N and δ13C isotope values of human bones from Vasylivka II cemetery, taking into account age and gender of the individuals (according to data from Lillie & Jacobs, 2006, p. 881, Table 1), as well as their craniology and burial numbers (after Gokhman, 1966). Illustration by D. Haskevych. Legend: 1 – meso-brachycephalic male; 2 – meso-brachycephalic female; 3 – dolichocephalic male; 4 – dolichocephalic female; 5 – male (craniological type not defined). Dash line – the conditional boundary of the “Dnipro” and “Danube” values of δ13C.
Figure 8

Vasylivka II. Scatterplot of δ15N and δ13C isotope values of human bones from Vasylivka II cemetery, taking into account age and gender of the individuals (according to data from Lillie & Jacobs, 2006, p. 881, Table 1), as well as their craniology and burial numbers (after Gokhman, 1966). Illustration by D. Haskevych. Legend: 1 – meso-brachycephalic male; 2 – meso-brachycephalic female; 3 – dolichocephalic male; 4 – dolichocephalic female; 5 – male (craniological type not defined). Dash line – the conditional boundary of the “Dnipro” and “Danube” values of δ13C.

This, although seeming paradoxical, is confirmed by the presence of two groups of grave goods at Vasylivka II: conditionally “southern” – pendants made of perforated fish teeth and spiral seashells, and conditionally “northern” – terrapin carapace, deer or elk incisors (Haskevych, 2020, pp. 168–173). It should be stressed that Gokhman (1966, p. 96) clearly pointed out that the tortoise shell was found in burial No. 27, and the incisors in burial No. 16, where meso-brachycephalic males were interred.

There is no correlation between the type of diet and gender of the buried individuals – the remains of two women and five men have “Danube” δ13C values, and of three women and four men “Dnipro” values (Figure 8). Comparison of the estimated stature and type of diet gives similar results. It demonstrates that both the tallest and one of the shortest females (mesobrachycephal No. 22 and dolichocephal No. 18, respectively), as well as one of the shortest males (dolichocephal No. 23) represent individuals with a diet of the pronounced “Danube” type.

In terms of age, the aforementioned data (Table 2) show that among the individuals of the “Danube” group, six were 18–30 years old, and only one male of unidentified craniological type, was 50–60 years old. On the contrary, in the “Dnipro” group, an age of less than 30 years was detected only in the meso-brachycephalic female of 18–22 years old (Figure 8).

Summarising all the data presented here, it becomes obvious that both women and men of both the dolichocephalic and mesobrachycephalic craniological types may have spent some part of their lives in the Iron Gates area and then arrived in the Dnipro area and were buried in Vasylivka II. Almost all of them moved to the east at a young age. Such an age composition is not natural for any prehistoric group. Accordingly, we are not talking about a one-time migration of the whole clan. The young age and different sex of the incomers are most easily explained in terms of long-term mutual marriage exchanges between groups of the Dnipro Rapids and the Iron Gates. It is possible that some older individuals from Vasylivka II, who had moved to the east at a young age, were also migrants. However, having lived for more than 10 years in a new place, their isotopic signatures have changed to the “Dnipro” characteristics.

If the assumption of mutual marriage relations is correct, then the corresponding archaeological and bioarchaeological records should be present on the Danube as well. A special search for them has not been undertaken before. However, just a quick overview of the pertinent literature reveals such finds. One of them is a stone tool from the site of Ostrovul Banului in the Romanian part of the Iron Gates area (Boroneanţ, 1973, p. 36, Planche IX: 7). This artefact can be referred to as one type of transverse grooved stone (also called “chovnyky” in Ukrainian or “utiuzhki” in Russian). In the 10th–7th millennium BC, such artefacts were spread in Maghreb, Levant, Zagros, Transcaucasia, Thrace, the Lower Don, and Middle Dnipro areas, including the Rapids. It seems that this tool is the only published find of this kind from the Iron Gates, which is why experts on the subject do not include this region in the territory of distribution of the transverse grooved stones (e.g., Usacheva, 2006, p. 14, Figure 2; 2016, pp. 590, 594, Figure 4).

The recent discovery of some sites situated around Poiana village (Teleorman County, Romania) on the left bank of the Danube, about 250 km in a straight line southeast of the Iron Gates (Figure 2), is also expressive. A preliminary publication (Mills, Mirea, Pannett, & Macklin, 2018) reports that surface lithic scatters collected contain many “bullet” cores. However, the very characteristic “Kukrek inserts” – another typical artefact of the Kukrek culture of the Northern Black Sea region – can be also identified on the published photos (Mills et al. 2018, p. 42, Figure 5). According to the current views, the settlement of Myrne (Odesa region, Ukraine) situated not far from the Danube mouth (Stanko, 1982) is the westernmost site of this culture. Its 14C dates fall to the period 7588–7181 cal BC (Biagi & Kiosak, 2010, pp. 25–27, 33, Table 3). The Ihren VIII site, which yielded 10 “pit-dwellings” with reference complexes of the Kukrek chipped flints and bone tools (Telegin, 1996), was functioning at the mouth of the Samara River on the Dnipro Rapids (Figure 1) at the same time. The most reliable, AMS dates from there cover a time span of 8234–6264 cal BC (Biagi, Zaliznyak, & Kozłowski, 2007; Lillie et al., 2009, p. 260, Table 2), which overlaps the dates of Vasylivka II. Thus, the finds from Poiana show the areas of the Kukrek culture and Iron Gates Mesolithic could directly border in the Lower Danube, which facilitated the contacts between the population of the Iron Gates and the remote Dnipro Rapids.

Among the different ways of communication between the Dnipro and Danube regions, a waterway seems most likely due to the common orientation of their inhabitants to the exploitation of water resources. Multi-day navigation down the Danube, and then along the coast of the Black Sea (or freshwater lake, if the Bosphorus was blocked at that time) and up the Dnipro, and vice versa, would require the use of large rowing boats. Today, petroglyph images of such coastal craft with dozens of oars, reliably dated to the time even earlier than that of Vasylivka II, are known near the southern borders of Eastern Europe. These are rock engravings of boats, recorded on stone No. 19-a from the cultural layer in the Firuz-2 rock-shelter on Kichikdash Mountain in Gobustan, East Azerbaijan (Farajova, 2011, p. 46, Figure 3b, 11c, D). AMS dating of this layer provided the result 8765–8546 cal BC (Farajova, 2018).

Land communication between the Dnipro Rapids and the Middle Danube seems less likely. On the one hand, the same open treeless landscapes of the Eurasian steppe belt, reaching from Mongolia in the east to the Romanian province of Banat in the west, extended throughout this territory during the Mesolithic (Reingruber, 2016, pp. 171–173, Figure 5). This would have made the move easier. On the other hand, the crossing of dozens of large and small meridionally directed gullies and rivers (including the Inhulets, Inhul, Southern Buh, Dniester, Prut, Siret, Ialomiţa, Argeş, Olt, and Jiu) was required. In the absence of any transport, such a days-long hike could probably be very tiring.

9 Conclusions and Prospection

The presence of perforated Cyprinidae pharyngeal teeth distinguishes the Mesolithic burial grounds of Vasylivka II and Skelia-Kamenolomnia from other sites on the Dnipro Rapids and brings them together with the Iron Gates Late Mesolithic sites. Thus, the similarity of δ13C values of some individuals from Vasylivka II and the Iron Gates sites, previously noted by Lillie (2003, p. 7), may not be accidental. It allows one to suppose that a few individuals of Iron Gates origin were interred at Vasylivka II (Haskevych, 2020). Indirect evidence of this is that the people from there differ from the local Dnipro population in the frequency of the jaw pathology of torus mandibularis, which is typical of the Iron Gates Mesolithic groups. Furthermore, carriers of the same DNA subclades were detected in Vasylivka II and the Iron Gates sites. Also, there are very similar burial practices in the form of extended supine inhumations, as well as similar generalised craniological characteristics, size of teeth and limb bones of the Mesolithic inhabitants from both regions.

At Vasylivka II, the main difference between individuals with the conditional “Dnipro” and “Danube” δ13C values is the younger biological age of the latter. Thus, migrations of young men and women from the Iron Gates to the Dnipro Rapids in view of marriage exchanges can be assumed. Waterborne (rather than overland) communication between the Dnipro Rapids and the Iron Gates regions seems more likely given the common orientation of their inhabitants to the exploitation of water resources.

This article represents only the initial steps in the study of probable relations between Mesolithic populations of the Dnipro Rapids and the Iron Gates. The proposed hypothesis, based on a generalisation of mainly previously published data, requires in-depth verification with intentional detailed comparative analysis of burial customs, artefact collections (and personal ornaments especially), craniometric and odontometric indices, tooth pathology, DNA, and stable isotopes from both regions. Such work is possible only within the cooperation of many specialists of various profiles from different countries. An attempt to locate lost finds and field documentation of the unique Vasylivka II burial ground may become one of the tasks of future research.

Reasoned evidence of active mutual intercultural contacts between the Late Mesolithic populations of the Danube and Dnipro areas will allow a fresh look at problems of cultural diffusion, in particular the spread of blade-and-trapeze industries, first pottery production, and primary Neolithisation in the territory north and west of the Black Sea.


Special Issue published in cooperation with Meso'2020 – Tenth International Conference on the Mesolithic in Europe, edited by Thomas Perrin, Benjamin Marquebielle, Sylvie Philibert, and Nicolas Valdeyron.


Acknowledgments

The author is extremely grateful to Professor Clive Bonsall (the University of Edinburgh– UK) for peer-reviewing the paper and revising the original English text. Special thanks are due also to two anonymous peer-reviewers for their constructive comments and suggestions.

  1. Funding information: The author states no funding is involved.

  2. Conflict of interest: The author states no conflict of interest.

  3. Data availability statement: All data generated or analysed during this study are included in this published article.

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Received: 2021-10-25
Revised: 2022-05-16
Accepted: 2022-10-19
Published Online: 2022-12-15

© 2022 Dmytro Haskevych, published by De Gruyter

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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