Chapter 4. Structural and functional variations of the perfect in the Lezgic languages
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Timur A. Maisak
Abstract
The paper presents a study of the morphological and semantic properties of the perfects in nine Lezgic languages, the southern branch of the East Caucasian (Nakh-Daghestanian) language family. Morphologically, the perfects belong to the perfective subsystem. They are usually periphrastic, with a tendency to become synthetic due to auxiliary loss or merger. The functions of the perfects vary among the languages of the group, but mostly include the ‘current relevance’ perfect proper and the resultative (stative). The experiential meaning is associated with the perfect only in a few languages. In two languages (Agul and Archi), the perfect has further evolved into an indirective evidential past, although the diachronically earlier perfect and resultative functions are still retained. Throughout the paper, I compare the perfects to the aorists, which are the most frequent perfective past tenses of the Lezgic languages. The aorists are much less polyfunctional than the perfects and are mostly synthetic, although periphrastic source models are also attested for them.
Abstract
The paper presents a study of the morphological and semantic properties of the perfects in nine Lezgic languages, the southern branch of the East Caucasian (Nakh-Daghestanian) language family. Morphologically, the perfects belong to the perfective subsystem. They are usually periphrastic, with a tendency to become synthetic due to auxiliary loss or merger. The functions of the perfects vary among the languages of the group, but mostly include the ‘current relevance’ perfect proper and the resultative (stative). The experiential meaning is associated with the perfect only in a few languages. In two languages (Agul and Archi), the perfect has further evolved into an indirective evidential past, although the diachronically earlier perfect and resultative functions are still retained. Throughout the paper, I compare the perfects to the aorists, which are the most frequent perfective past tenses of the Lezgic languages. The aorists are much less polyfunctional than the perfects and are mostly synthetic, although periphrastic source models are also attested for them.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. The perfect volume 1
-
Part I. Perfects and their relatives
- Chapter 2. “Universal” readings of perfects and iamitives in typological perspective 43
- Chapter 3. Perfect and its relatives in Atayal 65
- Chapter 4. Structural and functional variations of the perfect in the Lezgic languages 87
- Chapter 5. Cross-linguistic parallels and contrasts in a contact language perfect construction 117
- Chapter 6. Perfect and negation 137
- Chapter 7. The diachrony of the perfect in Zapotec 163
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Part II. Perfect extensions, hodiernality and aoristic drift
- Chapter 8. More on hodiernality 181
- Chapter 9. The impact of the simultaneity vector on the temporal-aspectual development of the perfect tense in Romance languages 213
- Chapter 10. Gauging expansion in synchrony 241
-
Part III. Morphology of perfects
- Chapter 11. The rise of the periphrastic perfect tense in the continental West Germanic languages 261
- Chapter 12. On the emergence of auxiliary selection in Germanic 291
- Chapter 13. Language contact and competition in the periphrastic perfect in Early English 319
- Chapter 14. The Swedish perfect and periphrasis 343
- Chapter 15. “ Have -less perfects” in Norwegian 365
- Chapter 16. From have -omission to supercompounds 397
- Chapter 17. Auxiliary reduction in secondary grammaticalization 439
- Chapter 18. The functions of the auxiliary ‘have’ in Australian English vivid narratives 461
- Index 479
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. The perfect volume 1
-
Part I. Perfects and their relatives
- Chapter 2. “Universal” readings of perfects and iamitives in typological perspective 43
- Chapter 3. Perfect and its relatives in Atayal 65
- Chapter 4. Structural and functional variations of the perfect in the Lezgic languages 87
- Chapter 5. Cross-linguistic parallels and contrasts in a contact language perfect construction 117
- Chapter 6. Perfect and negation 137
- Chapter 7. The diachrony of the perfect in Zapotec 163
-
Part II. Perfect extensions, hodiernality and aoristic drift
- Chapter 8. More on hodiernality 181
- Chapter 9. The impact of the simultaneity vector on the temporal-aspectual development of the perfect tense in Romance languages 213
- Chapter 10. Gauging expansion in synchrony 241
-
Part III. Morphology of perfects
- Chapter 11. The rise of the periphrastic perfect tense in the continental West Germanic languages 261
- Chapter 12. On the emergence of auxiliary selection in Germanic 291
- Chapter 13. Language contact and competition in the periphrastic perfect in Early English 319
- Chapter 14. The Swedish perfect and periphrasis 343
- Chapter 15. “ Have -less perfects” in Norwegian 365
- Chapter 16. From have -omission to supercompounds 397
- Chapter 17. Auxiliary reduction in secondary grammaticalization 439
- Chapter 18. The functions of the auxiliary ‘have’ in Australian English vivid narratives 461
- Index 479