Band 61, Heft 1-2

Seit einem Jahrhundert arbeitet man sich an der Ahhiyawa-Frage ab. Die Antworten bleiben vage und flüchten ins allgemein Historische. Das ist kein Wunder, denn die Frage ist falsch gestellt. Das war immer bekannt, wurde aber nie ernst genommen. Es geht überhaupt nicht um Ahhiyawa, sondern zunächst einmal nur darum, die Ausgangsform, nämlich den Ortsnamen Ahhiya, auf einer Karte zu lokalisieren. Die philologische Analyse der wenn auch spärlichen Belege für diesen legt es nahe, in Ahhiya den Namen einer Insel zu vermuten, die südlich von Lesbos vor der Küste Kleinasiens liegt. Die nächste größere Insel ist Chios. Diese Annahme von Ahhiya als ältere nichtgriechische Form der späteren griechischen Form Chios läßt sich dann sprachwissenschaftlich erhärten, indem das der Gleichung entgegenstehende anlautende a - den bekannten Beispielen angereiht wird, die einen luwischen Lautwandel zeigen, bei dem dieses unterdrückt wird. Erst nach dieser Identifizierung von Ahhiya als Insel Chios kann man sinnvoll über Ahhiyawa reden. Achäer und Ahhiyawa haben sprachlich nichts miteinander zu tun. Als Nebenergebnis ergibt sich noch, daß der Name Attarissiya eines Herrschers von Ahhiya sicher nicht ein ins Hethitische eingegliederter griechischer Atreus ist, sondern wohl umgekehrt ein ins Griechische eingegliederter nichtgriechischer Teiresias.

The Anatolian hieroglyphic script represents a logosyllabic system, which gradually evolved in Asia Minor in the course of the second millennium BCE. Although the first syllabic values of Anatolian hieroglyphs are attested about 1400 BCE, there have been recent attempts to demonstrate that linguistic considerations prompt the projection of the development of the syllabic script further back in time. The present paper addresses the arguments advanced in favour of such a hypothesis and shows their inconclusive character. A collateral result of the present investigation is the segmentation of the set of earliest syllabic signs for which logographic readings are also attested. The comparison between the logographic and syllabic values within this set is conducive to a conclusion that the Hittite language, as opposed to Luwian, played a decisive role in assigning the syllabic values to Anatolian hieroglyphs in Hattusa between 1400 and 1250 BCE.

The Hieroglyphic seal KN S (4/4) 01, found in the Neopalatial Room 3 of the Cult Centre of the City of Knossos, is a document of considerable importance in the study of Cretan script for several reasons. With regard to iconography and palaeography, we have identified for the first time the true idealized form of sign 095, and that permits us to correct our understanding of the shape of other examples of the same sign and thereby to improve our knowledge of the palaeographical development of the Hieroglyphic script. Furthermore, this new document preserves one more attestation of the socalled Arkhanes “formula” and shows a connection between this “formula” and the fraction signs. Finally, this seal confirms also a relationship between this “formula” and the logogram *181 on the one hand and the sign 010 on the other hand.

This paper deals with some Linear A logograms which might have been occasionally used not because of their meaning, but phonetically, on the basis of the sound of the words underlying the signs, to spell out different words, in rebus compositions with one or more syllabograms. This would be the case with the logogram for wine (AB 131a) on two clay tablets from Agia Triada (HT 14.1 and 123a.3), the logogram for human (A 100/102) on several clay documents from different sites (HT 72, KH Wc 2100, and PE Zb 7), and the logogram for olives (AB 122) on stone tables KO Za 1 and SY Za 2. The last two examples imply the reappraisal of the debate about the uncertain reading of one sign on KO Za 1 either as AB 27 or 122. In this paper it is shown how the latter is the only one supported by paleography.

Examination of the Linear A texts confirms that - the language of Linear A is probably only one (§ 1); - the alternation a-/ja- in a-sa-sa-ra-me/ja-sa-sa-ra-me etc. is likely due to the presence of a prefix i/j- and not to a laryngeal or a graphic variant (§ 2); - the sequence -i-*301- of a-ta-i-*301-wa-ja and variants is probably a verbal root (§§ 3-4); - (j)a-sa-sa-ra-me probably means ‘gift, homage’ vel. sim. (but not necessarily ‘sacred’) and not ‘offering’ (§ 5); - the prefix i/j- probably has the function of an article and i-na- could be its plural form (§ 6). More generally, convincing arguments have already been put forward which strongly suggest that the language of Linear A is probably neither Indo-European nor Semitic (Afro-Asiatic), nor an ergative language such as Hurro-Urartian (§ 7).

This paper aims to offer a new interpretation of the Mycenaean word ka-ra-wi-ja *γρᾱ́ϝια ‘old woman’, which appears in some Mycenaean texts of the series Fq from Thebes and Fu from Mycenae. Their content points to the context of distribution of food probably related to the celebration of a ritual. Thus far, it has been interpreted as a male or female anthroponym, a theonym or a nickname, but these hypotheses seem unlikely. It has also been suggested that this may be the designation of a professional group without providing a more concrete explanation. It is reasonable, however, that it is an appellation referring to one or more older women participating in a ritual

Deux inscriptions archaiques du site cretois de Biannos, pres de l’actuelle Kato Symi, publiees en 1973 (1975) et 2015 dans des revues differentes, revelent deux formes dialectales, dont Claude Brixhe a proposees des hypotheses nouvelles. La premiere forme serait a lire Ϝρό̄το̄, genitif d’un anthroponyme a rattacher au verbe βιβρώσκω, et la seconde doit etre un lapsus calami, a lire Δαταλε<ύ>ς, ethnique cretois.

Mδ-, mδš, mδa und mδane, mlane und mλne sowie šRnne werden als Verbformen gedeutet: 3. P. Sg. Prat. mit Schwund der ‚lenierten‘, lykisch -de, lydisch -d und luwisch /-da/ entsprechenden Endung und teilweise einem angehangten Pronomen -ne, das ein Akkusativobjekt ersetzt. Im ersten Fall handelt es sich bei den Votivinschriften sicher um ein verbum donandi, das zu hethitisch manijahh- gehoren konnte, im zweiten kommt eine Bedeutung ‚schrieb‘ in Frage, wozu gotisch meljan verglichen werden konnte, im dritten ebenfalls ein verbum donandi.

A marble anthemion stele with a funerary inscription in Lydian was unearthed in 2010, during excavations led by Professor Kadir Pektaş at the Eski Mezarlık (or Old Cemetery) in the İlbadı neighbourhood of Denizli. The stone is currently in the Hierapolis Museum in Pamukkale. We present here a description of the stone and relief ornament, an edition of the Lydian text with commentary, a tentative partial translation, and a brief historical contextualization of the artifact. The text should be of interest to both Anatolianists and Indo-Europeanists, given its length and good state of preservation.

This article discusses a brief inscription incised on a cup found on the Athenian Agora and which has been published in 1976. This graffito appears to be an Old Phrygian inscription, the first known so far on this side of the Aegean Sea. It corresponds to a new personal name, whose stem could be identical to that of Phrygian place names attested in Greek sources. An etymological hypothesis is suggested about the stem, which could reveal the Phrygian name of the “goat”. The object thus incised in the Phrygian alphabet may have belonged to a metic or a Phrygian travelling to Athens.

The present study is the latest one of the supplements for Le dialecte grec de Pamphylie published by Cl. Brixhe in 1976. Eight new inscriptions belonging to the dialectal group are presented here. The contribution of the supplement VII to the onomastics of the Pamphylian dialect can be seen in the attestation of Εὐτυχᾶς, Ἀθμοπάτρας, Κτίσων and *Κουͷας.