Jewish Forerunners of the Spanish Biblia romanceada: A Thirteenth-Century Witness (Bodleian MS Hunt. 268)

Jeremy Lawrance

doi:10.1515/zrp-2022-0018

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Jewish Forerunners of the Spanish Biblia romanceada: A Thirteenth-Century Witness (Bodleian MS Hunt. 268)

Jeremy Lawrance

Veröffentlicht/Copyright: 13. August 2022

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Aus der Zeitschrift Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie Band 138 Heft 2

Abstract

Despite Church prohibitions, almost twenty medieval Bibles in Spanish survive. The Old Testament versions derived in many cases from translations from Hebrew made by Jews. These were characterized by a unique rabbinical “calque-language” that would be preserved by Sephardim for centuries after the Expulsion in 1492; but the Inquisition destroyed the medieval Jewish copies. This article studies a new witness, the oldest known: a thirteenth-century Hebrew commentary on the Hagiographa with Spanish glosses. These fully confirm the amazing continuity of the Ladino scriptolect.

Keywords: medieval Bible translations; Jewish targumim; Ladino “calque-language”; Biblical commentaries; glossaries

^[*]There survive a score or so of medieval Spanish Bible translations.^[1] These were a singular reflexion of Iberia’s medieval convivencia, for though all the extant manuscripts are copied in roman script and betray the heavy imprint of Christian interference, many of the Old Testament versions derived from archetypes translated from Hebrew by Jews. Thus E3 (Escorial I-I-3) and E19 (Escorial J-II-19) divide the Torah not into chapters but parashiyyot (weekly lessons), translate Lord as Adonay not Señor, and lineate songs such as Exod. 15:1‒18 in the fashion stipulated by the Talmud, even verses centred, odd aligned with the margin.^[2] The Song of Songs in M (Biblioteca Nacional de España Mss/10288), though copied for the marquis of Santillana, is punctuated according to the rhythmic clausulae of the Hebrew (Sáinz de la Maza 2007).

The Jewish Biblia ladinada arose in accordance with the talmudic precept that every Sabbath one should study the parashah twice in Hebrew and once in its targum ‘translation’.^[3] The halakhah ‘law’ forbids the use of written translations in synagogue (TB Shab. 115a), but from the fourth century bce prescribed the oral recitation of the Aramaic Targum after each verse of the parashah and every third verse of the haftarah ‘additional lesson from the Prophets’ (TB Meg. 23b‒24a). Later this targum began to be accompanied by others in laˁaz (‘barbarian’ language – the new vernaculars); by the eleventh century Sephardim were not only making Romance translations of the Bible, but reciting them in synagogue with the haftarot at the festivals of Passover, Pentecost, and the Ninth of Av. Around 1038 a responsum of Babylonian exilarch Ḥai Gaon reproached them for thus “abandoning the Targum”, that is, replacing Aramaic with the vernacular; a century later halakhist Judah ben Barzillai of Barcelona still condemned not reading the Targum, but allowed that “if in any place they want an interpretation, someone other than the meturgeman may rise and explain it in their language” (ואם יש מקום שרוצין לפרש להן יעמוד אחר חוץ מן המתרגם ויפרש להן בלשונןa).^[4] In 1373 Isaac ben Sheshet asserted it had been the custom in Aragon “for more than thirty years” to read the book of Esther at Purim “for women from the Scroll written in laˁaz” (לנשים במגלה הכתובה בלעז), but this was already mentioned a century earlier by Naḥmanides (d. 1270).^[5] By luck, there survives a medieval witness of this vernacular megilla kətuva ‘written Scroll’: a ladinamiento of Esther entitled Libro del rey Hasverós (אֲחַשְׁוֵרוֹשׁ, Xerxes) in a manuscript of seven texts from the “mundo de la práctica religiosa judía” but in roman script, probably copied by conversos.^[6]

This serves to highlight what is perhaps the most remarkable aspect of the BRs: for since 1234 Catholics had been prohibited from using not just vernacular Bibles but even the original texts, a ban that was to remain in force for five centuries (Martínez Millán 1980; Reinhardt 1981). The mission of the Latin Church was to prevent laymen from having access to Scripture, strictly a preserve of the clergy. To the simple believer, observes Elias Canetti, everything came “from a higher authority; what was not explained to him he did not even understand. The sacred word was tendered to him carefully premasticated and dosified; precisely because of its sanctity it was protected from him”.^[7] Yet despite all ecclesiastical edicts certain persons – kings, nobles – considered themselves exempt from the bar against reading Scripture in their own language; and the most convenient way of satisfying their curiosity was to have recourse to Jews, who already had their centuries-old tradition of translating it. Yet the fact remains that while our extant witnesses are all in roman, the Jews read and wrote aljamía, Spanish in Hebrew script. Almost nothing has survived of their rich pre-1492 aljamiado literature due to the catastrophe of the Expulsion, when the Holy Office prohibited possession of Jewish Bibles and siddurim on pain of death; Inquisitorial papers document various conversos arrested for having a “Blivia romançada” or “Çituri [siddur] de oraçiones en romançe”, but such books disappeared, despite evidence that in 1478 certain conversos in Calatayud had tried to have such a Bible printed.^[8] For this reason our main evidence for reconstructing the medieval version comes from texts preserved by exiles after 1492. The best known is the Bible published by marranos in Ferrara, but this too was printed in roman script and “vista y examinada por el officio dela Inquisición” (Bible 1553, henceforth Ferrara, title-p.). More relevant are the aljamiado editions published in the Ottoman empire, where the majority of refugees emigrated. The Polyglot Pentateuch of İstanbul appeared six years earlier than the Ferrara Bible, with the biblical text surrounded by its translations into Greek and Spanish, all in Hebrew script.^[9]

These Renaissance Bibles show “striking similarities in language and manner of translation” to the medieval BRs (Morreale 1969, 474); they were not new versions but descendants of the old Judeo-Spanish archetype, a fact that enables us to begin to piece it together.^[10] What is clear is that it fully reflected rabbinical exegesis (e.g. Sachs 1949, 218‒220 on the use of Targum, Septimus 2000 on Midrash ‘exegesis’). The rabbis permitted, indeed prescribed, translating the Bible, but this did not mean they relaxed their control of its interpretation. Targum combined the pragmatic task of making the Hebrew text intelligible with the theological imperative of, in the Talmud’s words, “raising a hedge” around its indefectible plenitude of meaning.^[11] In theory Scripture can never be exhausted by paraphrase, since it has to mean everything, in all places and for all time; but in practice such limitless possibilities of meaning entail constant vigilance by the religious authorities. The Talmud declares: the Torah is 3,200 times greater than the universe (TB Er. 21a); but “if you have read once you have not read twice, if you have read twice you have not read thrice, if you have read thrice you have not had it explained to you” (TB Ber. 18a). Judah bar Ilai, in the second century, declared that while anyone who adds to a verse of the Torah is blasphemous, anyone who “translates it literally [כצורתו lit. ‘according to its (external) form’] is a liar” (TB Kid. 49a). Rashi glossed בדאי ‘liar’ as “incomplete, lacking the increment of the Targum” (שבא לחסר תוספת התרגום).

The purpose of targum, then, was to “secure the sense [...] current among the rabbinical authorities” against any “misunderstanding in the popular mind” (EJ vol. 3, 589, s.v. Bible). Tunisian talmudist Hananel ben Ḥushi’el (s. xii), cited by the tosafist on Rashi’s gloss of TB Kid. 49 a, adduced the example of Exod. 24:10, “and they saw the God of Israel” (וַיִּרְא֕וּ אֵ֖ת אֱלֹהֵ֣י יִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל): any literal translation would be a “lie” because the Lord said “man may not see Me and live” (Exod. 33:20), so the canonic rendering is “and they saw the majesty of the God of Israel”. Now in E3, Aj, E4 (Escorial I-I-4), E7 (Escorial I-I-7), and Arragel (by R. Moses Arragel for the maestre of Calatrava 1430, Madrid, Fundación Casa de Alba) the verse reads “e vieron a/al Dios de ysrrael”, and in Ferrara (f. 36vº) “Y vieron a Dio de Ysrael”; but thirteenth-century Fazienda de Ultramar (BUS Ms. 1997) put “E vieron la gloria de [dios de Israel]” (the scribe scrambled this, writing: “la gloria de †israel de dios†”), E19 “E vieron la onrra de dios de Ysrrael e de su glorya”, and PC (sign. כה4rº, parashah מִּשְׁפָּטִים) “Y vieron a onra de Dio de Yiśraˀel” (אִי וְיֵירון אָה אוֺנְרָה דֵי דְיוֺ דֵי יִשְרָאֵל).

It would be impossible to explain these versions without knowing the rabbinic tradition; and almost every verse of the Biblia ladinada shows parallel features. The Jewish translations were written in a hieratic ‘scriptolect’ reserved for rendering biblical texts and designed precisely to “raise the hedge” around them; it involved violent Hebraicization of the target language, seeking exact word-for-word equivalence. This calque-principle invoked an archaic lexis often based on artificial criteria such as homonymy, and more striking still, a distorted, almost extraterrestrial syntax only distantly recognizable as Spanish.^[12] Take, for instance, Deut. 22:20 “But if [...] the girl was found not to have been a virgin, [they shall stone her to death]”. The Hebrew [ה]aלֹא-נִמְצְאוּ בְתוּלִים לַנַּעֲרָ means literally, ‘not were-found virginities [bətulim, intens. absol. masc. pl.] to-the-young [girl]’; sure enough, PC calques “non fueron hallados escossedades a-la moça” (sign. סא2vº, parashah תֵצֵא). Ferrara (f. 91vº) emended to “halladas”; but not just the syntactic anacoluthon of fem. plur. noun + masc. past participle and solecistic preposition a but also the impenetrable archaism escosedades (< *excursa “narrow-hipped”) appear letter for letter in E19, traces also in E3 “non fueron falladas virginidades ala moça” and E8 (Escorial Y-I-6) “no fue eilla faillada escossa”. Another example is Deut. 7:17 “These nations are more numerous than I; how can I dispossess them?” (רַבִּ֛ים הַגֹּויִ֥ם הָאֵ֖לֶּה מִמֶּ֑נִּי אֵיכָ֥ה אוּכַ֖ל לְהֹורִישָֽׁם): PC (sign. נזa2vº, parashah עֵקֶב) reads “las gentes [goyim, masc.] estas más que mí, ¿como podré por [lə‑, prepositional prefix of infinitive] esterrarlos?” (לָאש גֵ'ינְטֵיש אֵישְטָש מָאש קֵימִי קוֹמוֹ פוֺדְרֵי פוֺר אֵישְטֵירָרְלוֺש), Ferrara (f. 85rº) identical; E19 omits por but reproduces the gender discord, as do E7, Aj, E3, and Arragel with other minor variants (“desterrarlos”, etc.).

Epistemologically, the calque-principle has its logic. Scripture being infinite and inviolable, it is not the job of a translator to try to interpret its sense, but only to attend to the more urgent matter of reproducing its literal meaning letter for letter, given that, as R. Ishmael warned a scribe, “if you omit or add a single jot you may perchance destroy the universe” (TB Er. 13a). Yet, as Morreale (1963, 334) points out, to translate the source language into an unintelligible form of one’s own would seem “irracional, si sus oscuridades obedecieran tan sólo al carácter rutinario de la interpretación”. The Biblias ladinadas evinced such irrationality not solely on lofty epistemological grounds, but for cultural reasons: they practised their flamboyant foreignization from what Bunis (2013) calls “the imperative to write Jewishly”. When a Sephardi recited in the alien scriptolect of Ladino, says Altabé (1981, 14), “he had the sense of addressing the Almighty in a language that was, in his heart, a Jewish language”.

1 Medieval testimonia of the Ladino “archetype”: a thirteenth-century witness

It is clear, then, that a preliminary to any linguistic study of the Biblias romanceadas must be to consider the text of the Jewish archetype. The loss of the medieval aljamiado witnesses that might have permitted us to reconstitute it means critics have had to turn to the Renaissance printed Bibles and other sources.^[13] My purpose here is to mention one more such source: namely, Jewish biblical glossaries. These abounded in the Middle Ages; there survive well-known Arabic, French, Italian, and Provençal/Catalan examples. They took various forms, from traditional alphabetic dictionaries to lists of chapters in which the “difficult” phrases were given with their translation; most widespread were Bible commentaries such as that of Rashi (R. Solomon ben Isaac, 1040–1105), which offers 1300 leˁazim (vernacular, in this case French, glosses) as aids to literal exposition (peshat).

In this case too, Judeo-Spanish examples suffered widespread destruction and dispersal. Consequently, though they must have been numerous, there is as yet little to match the extensive studies of Judeo-French glossaries.^[14] Some medieval Iberian examples in Arabic and Catalan are preserved.^[15] In Spanish, however, the best-known witnesses are later in date: Ḥešeq Šlomó [“Solomon’s desire”, 1 Kings 9:1] o Libro de ladinos de los vierbos caros de toda la Micrá [‘Scripture’], a list-by-chapter glossary printed at Venice in 1588 from a lost original, and a copy dated 5394/1634 of Maqre dardaqe (‘school teacher’), a dictionary with Ladino and Arabic equivalents, in Oxford, Bodleian Library (henceforth Bodl.) MS Huntington 218.^[16] Both these, however, evidently derived from older originals; though impossible to date with certainty, ḤeŠ presents similarities to thirteenth and fourteenth-century French glossaries such as BnF Mss. Hébreu 302 (Gloss. fr. s. xiii) and 301 (Gloss. fr. s. xiv), while Maqre dardaqe descends from a Judeo-Arabic original composed in Catalonia or Provence in the fourteenth century and printed in an Italian version in 1488.

These texts point clearly to the existence of a medieval tradition of glossing in Sefarad, but the lack of early witnesses remains an obstacle. That is what makes Bodl. MS Huntington 268, dated ca. 1275 by Beit-Arié (1994, col. 50 §332), so interesting. It contains 177 leaves of a literal commentary on the Hagiographa with leˁazim in Spanish and Arabic (henceforth Glos. heb.-esp.).^[17] First mentioned in passing a century and a half ago by Neubauer (1871, 154–157) and Darmesteter (1872, 161–162), and some twenty lines edited by Salfeld (1878–1879 Pt. 4, 165–166), it was not glimpsed again until Beit-Arié (1994, col. 50) amended Neubauer’s catalogue (1886, col. 67 §332) to include mention of the Spanish glosses, and remained unknown to scholars of the BRs until 2010.^[18] The Hagiographa are presented in an order (Ps., Job, Prov., Ruth, Song., Eccl.) common before the fixing of the canon (EJ vol. 3, 580–582); the manuscript lacks beginning (Ps. 1–9:16), middle (Prov. 3:1–38:1), and end (Eccl. 6:12–12:14), so there is no incipit or colophon to identify the work’s author or date. Biblical lemmata are copied in merubba (square script), the commentary in Sephardic mashait (semi-cursive); the Spanish leˁazim are vocalized, seemingly by another hand but with the same ink, and there are some later interlinear annotations in informal cursive (e.g. f. 168vº, ll. 4–5).

To show the significance of these leˁazim I restrict attention to Song of Songs, which is intact (ff. 163vº–169vº). It gives glosses for 106 Hebrew lexemes, 103 in Ladino and some 20 in Arabic, three alone, the rest overlapping as in Song 4:13 “פרדס [pardes] defesa, a wide orchard, in Arabic maṣīf [“summer resort”]” (E3, E4, M, Arragel, Ferrara, ḤeŠ “vergel”, Gloss. fr. s. xiii f. 33rº “vérjéyrs”; cf. E6 “paraýso”, from Vulgate paradisus, copied in error as “pedaço” E5 and Év). Song consists of 1253 words/801 types; the glosses translate 15–20% of its open-class words (excluding determiners, conjunctions, etc.), almost one for each of its 117 verses. Of these lemmata, 90 also figure in Ḥešeq Šǝlomo (ff. 24vº–25vº), and in half the definitions are identical, while 43 of the remainder occur in medieval BRs. To find the same words leaping off the MS and printed pages of witnesses so diverse in time and space is moving proof of how, despite the Expulsion, Sephardim went on making their devotions in the language – by then little less impenetrable for Spanish-speakers than ancient Hebrew – invented by their medieval rabbis. As a sample of the glossary’s linguistic aspects take f. 168vº, on Song 7:1–10 (in Christian Bibles 6:13–7.9), which offers sixteen leˁazim (I add in brackets literal explanations of the biblical phrases):

[7:1] חולת המחנים [aכמa] [‘as the dance (məḥolat) of the two camps (maḥănayim, dual)’] cum cantaḇlena delos fossados.^[19] [...]

[7:2] חמוקי ירכיך [‘the curves (ḥammūqei, hapax) of your thighs’] çercos [...]. ידי אמן [‘by (lit. of the hands of) a master craftsman’] de maestru.

[7:3] שררך to omligu, that is ṭabbūr [‘navel’], or not exactly the navel but what is below it, the place called in Arabic surra. [...] אגן הסהר [‘a round goblet (lit. ‘of roundness’)] cum çercu dela luna [...]; as the Targum says, ‘as the circle of the moon’. [...] סוגה בשושנים [‘hedged around with lilies’] assetada, that is fenced and fortified, from the words of the Mishna [Avot 1.1] ‘they made a hedge around the Torah’.^[20] [...]

[7:5] כמגדל השן [‘like an ivory tower’] cum tor blanca [...]. פני דמשק [‘toward (lit. faces of constr. pl., in this sense hapax) Damascus’] a-partes, that is towards (נגד lit. ‘against’) Damascus.

[7:6] ראשך עליך [‘Your head upon you’] to cabellu. [...] ודלת ראשך כארגמן [‘and the hair of your head like purple’] because its colour is red, in laˁaz carmiz [Alfonso 2010, 53 reads carmín] [...], and דַלַּת רֹאשֵׁךְ çerneja, the lock of hair [...]. ברהטים [‘in the tresses’] pilages, the place for water to run built at the top of a garden such as a winery [...], that is, the king wishes to stay captive for ever among the channels, so great is his desire. [...]

[7:9] בסנסניו [I will take hold ‘of (lit. in) its branches’] en sos ramas.

The first noteworthy thing is that the glosses’ phonology and morphology seem in some respects more archaic than expected in the thirteenth-fourteenth century: apocope of cum “como”, tor “torre”; lack of epenthetic ‑n‑ in fossados “fonsados (armies)” < fossātu “trench”; masc. sing. ‑u (maestru, çercu, cabellu) but to, sos “tu, sus”, and elsewhere nostros “nuestros”, enbolta “envuelta”; aplegad “allegad”, flama fort “llama fuerte”; denant mí “delante de mí”, ibierno “invierno” < hibernu; and most striking, preservation of vocalized final -t in 3rd pers. sing. antes que assópled “antes que sople”, açercad “acercó (he turned)”, sempreñat de ti “se empreñó (she became pregnant) de ti”, or of ‑d in ad before a vowel in ad altezas. However, in other cases we find the reverse: forms that look more modern than they should, e.g. lack of possessive article, loss of ‑b‑ in omligu “ombligo” < umbĭlĭcu, etc.^[21]

One might seek regional origins for some of these diachronic anomalies or, given the presence of Arabic alternatives, posit the influence of the Provençal-Catalan tradition of Maqre dardaqe. The fact is, however, that we are dealing not with any geographical dialect, but with the archaizing scriptolect of Ladino. For example, on Exod. 15:20 (the Song of Miriam), כָֽל־הַנָּשִׁים֙ אַחֲרֶ֔יהָ בְּתֻפִּ֖ים וּבִמְחֹלֹֽת “all the women after her with timbrels and dances”, MaqDard esp. glosses “məḥolot cantablenas, and in Arabic ṭanābir [‘tambouras, long-necked lutes’]” (f. 50rº s.v. מחל², מחלות קאנטאבלינאש ובע׳ טנאבירa).^[22]Cantablena was an exclusively Judeo-Spanish word. Corde gives only one attestation, in Siddur tefillot, a fifteenth or sixteenth-century aljamiado prayer book which translates Exod. 15:20 “salyán todas las mugeres empuez eya con adufles [‘tambourines’ < Ar. al-duff] y con cantablena[s]”.^[23] The word is well attested in later Ladino sources, for instance a Siddur de mujeres en ladino printed at Salonika (Siddur ca. 1550, 226 “loaldo con adufle y cantablena”), a fragment of a sixteenth-century glossary from the Genizah now in New York, Jewish Theological Seminary MS ENA 2918.2–3 (f. 3vº ll. 3–4, by error reversed, “בתפים con cantablenas. ובמחולות y con adufles”, Quintana 2008, 201 and n. 41), and ḤeŠ both at Exod. 15:20 and at Song 7:1;^[24] but significantly, SBT also registers 15 ocurrences in Év/E5 and E7/E19, e.g. Judg. 11:34 “con panderos e estrumentos e cantablenas (וּבִמְחֹלֹ֑ות)”, which shows that “con panderos, adufles e con cantares” in E3, E4, Aj was a scribal error. By far the oldest testimony, by a century and a half, is Glos. heb.-esp.

The leˁazim in MS Hunt. 268 abound in such Judeo-Spanish words: çerneja “fringe, lock of hair” here, and elsewhere queriençias ‘love’, derechedades ‘justice’, negrestida ‘sun-burnt’, ereçer ‘get angry, enrage’ (< irascere), pinturias ‘silver filigrees’, çerçillos ‘bangles, anklets’, inodios ‘stags, hinds’, tiempla ‘forehead’, ermollos o natienças ‘buds or shoots’, estaja ‘cuts off, ends’, etc. No less striking are pres. participles oteant, asomant, prendientes, fazient fablar, aconpañants, ya sedient ‘sitting’; this inflexion, always apocopated in the singular and used with ser as a calque of the Hebrew zero-copula construction for pres. tense, alien to Spanish, is a give-away feature of Ladino syntax. And all these forms crop up regularly in the medieval BRs and post-1492 sources I have enumerated.

2 “The hedge around the Torah”: traces of rabbinic lore in the Biblia ladinada

I conclude with another interesting feature of our MS. The ladinamiento of the Bible, though faithfully transmitted for centuries, never lacked disputed passages. No book was more affected by such disputes than Song of Songs, an erotic poem in which “no morals are drawn, no prophetic preachments are made, [...] God receives no mention, and theological concerns are never discussed”, the inclusion of which in the canon was accepted only on condition of wholesale allegorization (EJ vol. 19, 14–20 s.v. Song of Songs, at 15–16). It is no surprise, therefore, that Glos. heb.-esp. shows occasional discrepancies from the traditional rendering. In Song 2:1 “I am a rose of Sharon, A lily of the valleys” (אֲנִי֙ חֲבַצֶּ֣לֶת הַשָּׁרֹ֔ון שֹֽׁושַׁנַּ֖ת הָעֲמָקִֽים), for example, no one knows what hapax ḥăḇaẓẓélet (fem.) actually meant.^[25] The ladinadores opted for a typical calque-strategy derived from Judeo-Arabic sharḥ: homonymy.^[26] They put alhabaca, from Arabic al-ḥabaq (masc.) ‘basil’, purely for its phonic similarity to the Hebrew word. Botanically “absurde”, as Blondheim (1925, 149) noted; the lady was comparing herself to a lovely flower, not a kitchen pot-herb. Nonetheless, “alhabaca” appears in this verse in E4, Év, and ḤeŠ (f. 24vº “alḥavaca [אלחאבֿאקה] de la llanura”), showing that “albahaca” in E5, E3, M was a scribal error (Fernández López 2010, 145 and 164, nn. ad loc.). So rooted was this tradition that in his commentary printed at İstanbul in 1576 Baruch Ibn Yaˁish, knowing very well what kind of plant basil is, rather than amend the translation sought some rational explanation: making a little play on words, he asserted that the point of the metaphor must be not the girl’s looks but her smell.^[27]Cantares y loores que dixo Selomó, the Ladino translation of Targum Song of Songs customarily recited by Sephardim at Passover, of which our first surviving witness is an edition printed at Salonika in 1600 (n. 20, above) but which originated much earlier, probably in the fourteenth-fifteenth century, likewise did not resist the ancient rendering despite the fact that the Aramaic reads narqīs raṭṭiḇ “moist narcissus” (Alexander 2003, 96); it put “yo enxe[m]plada a la alhabaca tierna de güerto de Hedén”.^[28] Even in quite different contexts the equivalence was canonical; an abbreviated Ladino translation of Toledan halakhist Joseph ben Ephraim Caro’s Shulḥan Arukh (1565), in a discussion of the various blessings to be recited on smelling different kinds of fragrances from plants, flowers, fruit, etc., explained that nargis – the Targum’s narqīs – meant “alḥabaca, y ay quien dize que es lirio”.^[29] And yet our glossator overlooked the homonym translation altogether. With his eye on the Targum’s raṭṭiḇ “moist”, he adopted instead Rashi’s explanation (Glos. heb.-esp. f. 165rº):

חבצלת השרון: היא שושנת העמקים היא נא[ה] משושנת ההרים כפי שהיא תמיד רטובה שאין בה כח ליבשה: ואולי ש[...] שחבצלת מין אחד ושושנה מין אחר. החבצלת פירשו בה בערבי נרג֜ס והשושהה שושאן.

ḥăbaẓẓelet ha-šaron: this is the šošanna [“lily”] of the valleys, which is prettier than the šošanna of the hills because it is always moist [raṭuḇa], there is no force to dry it. Or perhaps ḥăbaẓẓelet is one species, šošanna another; then the explanation is that the ḥăbaẓẓelet is narjis in Arabic, and the šošanna is sausan [Pers. sūsan ‘lily of the valley’].^[30]

My last example is of the same kind, and comes from the page already discussed (Glos. heb.-esp. f. 168vº). The gloss on the last word at the end of verse 7:6 “the locks of your head are like purple; A king is held captive in the tresses” (וְדַלַּת רֹאשֵׁךְ כָּאַרְגָּמָן מֶלֶךְ אָסוּר בָּרְהָטִים), reads:

ברהטים: פִילָאגֵיש [-רֵיש?] הוא מקום מרוצה המים שעשוי בראש הגן [הגג?] כמין יקב והמים רצים ומתכנסין שם ופרוש שהמלך רוצה להיות אסור שם באותן הרחטים שיהיה שם תמיד מרוב חשקו בה.

ba-rəhaṭim: pilages [or pilares, illeg.], the place for water to run built at the top of a garden [or ‘roof’] like a winery, and the water runs and collects there; and the meaning is, the king wishes to stay captive there among those channels, to be there forever, so great is his desire for her.^[31]

The hapax רְהָטִֽים probably meant ‘curls’ of hair; but from the outset the purpose of the exegetical tradition was to impose an allegorical reading, suppressing the book’s erotic sense. The Targum, which interpreted Song as a messianic prophecy of the final reunion of the Lover/King (God) with his Beloved/Shulamite (Israel), interpreted dallat ‘hair’ as dallim ‘the poor’ in contrast to the “head” or ruler, “purple” suggesting their future elevation just as Daniel (Dan. 5:29) and Mordechai (Esther 8:15) donned the purple; and “atomized” the last three words into typological allusions to the merits of Abraham’s acknowledgement of the Lord (“king”), the binding of Isaac in Gen. 22:10 (“captive”), and Jacob peeling rods for his watering troughs in Gen. 30:38–41, so rəhaṭim ‘tresses’ became rŏhaṭim ‘troughs’ (Alexander 2003, 180–81). Hence its “translation” of the six Hebrew words reads (in the Ladino version):

La gente baxa, los que andan con cabeça apremida porque son mesquinos, son aparejados por vistir aljaguán, assí como vistió Daniel enla çibdad de Babel y Mordehai en Susán, por zahut [‘merit’] de Abraham que-reinó [“acknowledged as king”] antes de esto al Señor del mundo, y por la justedad de Ishac que lo ató su padre para allegarlo [“sacrifice him”], y por la bondad de Yahacob que descostrizó sobre las varas en las pilas (Cantares y loores 1600, f. 22vº).

This periphrasis of tresses as water-courses (רטיא) was taken up by the medieval commentators and translators; Rashi glossed “koranç [‘currents’]” (Darmesteter 1907–1908, Pt. 5, 90), Gloss. fr. s. xiii f. 33vº “lié an koreüyrs [‘channels’]”, and so too E5-Év “rrey encarçelado en alvercas”, E4-M “rey preso en las açequias”.^[32]ḤeŠ (f. 25vº) offered its own variant, “encarçelado en las ferropeas” (“fetters, shackles”); this, though logical, has no obvious textual justification, but is paralleled by another Jewish witness, Arragel “prisiones” (corrected in the margin, evidently by a censor following the Vulgate, to “canales”). Others, however, reread the word as Song 1:17’s hapax רָהִיטֵנוּ rahītim “rafters”, so E3 “rrey preso en los andamios” (so too in 1.17); while Ferrara wrote “rey atado en corredores” (f. 389rº, and likewise 1:17, f. 387vº), a translation explained thus by Ibn Yaˁish at 1:17 (Yaˁish 1576, f. 6rº):

רחיטינו rahītenu are long narrow places used only to run through (lə-hikkanes bi-mruẓa) to enter another place, translated ‘run in them’ (raẓ bə-hem) or in laˁaz ‘corredores’.^[33]

Returning to MS Hunt. 268, then, its explanation of rəhaṭim in 7:6 as “irrigation channels” agrees once more with Rashi and the Targum; but the Spanish word is unclear. In verse 1:17 (f. 165rº) it glosses “רָהִיטֵנוּ nostros pilares or canales”; since this passage clearly has to do with roof-beams (discussing the timber they are made of), we might assume pilares has its ordinary sense ‘pillars, supports’; but canales and the ensuing commentary, “the place for running water [mǝruẓa ha-mayim] they make beside gardens (or roofs)”, clarify that here too they are ‘channels’. We might conjecture, then, that pilares had its other sense ‘drinking troughs’, and that this is the correct word in 7:6. However, the reading is unclear: it may read pilages (the letter is neither the scribe’s normal ג nor ר), or rather pilagos, an archaic form of piélago < pĕlagu ‘ocean’ well attested in Ladino with the meaning ‘reservoir, cascade’.^[34] The word occurs in this sense, though to translate two different Hebrew lemmata, in various ladinamientos of two verses of Song not glossed in Glos. heb.-esp., 5:12 and, only 20 words before the lemma that concerns us, 7:5:

5:12 אֲפִיקֵי מָיִם (ăfiqei mayim ‘streams of water’): ḤeŠ f. 25rº pílagos, Cantares y loores f. 18vº pílagos de agua (Aram. mafəqānōṯ ‘springs’), E4/M, Ferrara f. 388vº piélagos de aguas (cf. E3 pilas, E5/Év lagos; Gloss. fr. s. xiii f. 33rº rivâjes, E6 ríos Arragel flúmenes^lagos).

7:5 ברכות (bəreḵot ‘pools’): Cantares y loores f. 22rº pílagos de aguas (Aram. pəraqṭonin ‘torrents’) (cf. Gloss. fr. s. xiii f. 33vº fonténes, bivéyr, kuvée; E3, E4, M, ḤeŠ f. 25vº, Ferrara f. 389rº albercas (< Ar. birka, homonym of bəreka), E5 lagunas; Év in error ‘lagrimas’).

It is noteworthy that for bəreḵot the Italian Maqre dardaqe gives the same word as Glos. heb.-esp. uses alongside pilares at Song 1:17, “canale or cisterne, in Arabic jābiya [‘pool’, jabā ‘collect’)” (Trabot 1488, sign. ב3rº s.v. ברך; cf. Saadiah 1811, sign. 3l2vº jibāb ‘fishtanks’, Vulgate ‘piscinae’, E6 ‘pesqueras’, Arragel ‘pisçinas’).

The interest of the Oxford glossary for students of the Biblias romanceadas, then, is the light it throws on their putative Ladino archetype. At the moment it is the oldest Judeo-Spanish witness we know of; but it is to be hoped that scholars may be encouraged to look for others, for instance among the Bodleian’s 3.000 Hebrew MSS.^[35]

3 Bibliography

Early Jewish authors are listed as in EJ, followed by the Hebrew form determined by the National Library of Israel; Hebrew titles, if not translated on the title-p., are followed by my translation in brackets. For books printed before 1900 imprints are transliterated, Jewish era dates converted in simple form (a.m. 5252 = 1492 c.e., not 14 September 1491–30 September 1492). In my text the following abbreviations are used:

BnF Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris

Bodl. Bodleian Library, Oxford

BR(s) Biblia(s) romanceada(s)

BUS Biblioteca Histórica General de la Universidad, Salamanca

Ferrara Ferrara Bible (Bible 1553)

Glos. heb.-esp. Bodl. MS Huntington 268 Commentary on Hagiographa ca. 1275

Gloss. fr. s. xiii BnF Mss. Hébreu 302 Glossaire biblique hébreu-français 1241

Gloss. fr. s. xiv BnF Mss. Hébreu 301 Glossaire des Prophètes hébreu-français s. xiv

ḤeŠ Ḥešeq Šlomó (Cordovero 1588)

MaqDard esp. Bodl. MS Huntington 218 Maqre dardaqe (Spanish-Arabic) 1634

PC Constantinople Polyglot (Bible 1547)

TB Talmud Bavli (Babylonian Talmud)

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Published Online: 2022-08-13

Published in Print: 2022-07-06

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https://doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2022-0018

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medieval Bible translations; Jewish targumim; Ladino “calque-language”; Biblical commentaries; glossaries

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