Abstract
This study examines conscious judgments of perceptual similarity between foreign and native structures, focusing on vowel epenthesis following coda stops in English nonwords borrowed into Korean. In a similarity judgment experiment, Korean listeners heard a triplet consisting of an English stop-final form and two Korean forms, one ending in a stop and one ending in stop-vowel; then they indicated which of the two Korean forms the English form sounded more similar to. This study investigated six different predictors: release, voicing and place of coda stop, vowel tenseness, final stress, and word length. Similarity judgment choices showed that Korean CVCV is judged as more similar to English CVC than Korean CVC when the English final stop is released or dorsal or when the English word is monosyllabic. Although this result confirms that stop release is indeed a major factor explaining vowel insertion in this context, no effects of stop voicing and vowel tenseness are not compatible with the perceptual similarity hypothesis, which is surprising since they have been previously argued to involve acoustic cues affecting L2 speech perception. These findings support the need for further research that concentrates more on direct perception rather than judgments of perceptual similarity.
1 Introduction
When words are incorporated into one language from another, they often go through adaptation to comply with the phonological structure of the borrowing language; yet, some loanword patterns are not easily explained by the grammar of the receptor language. One of those patterns involves unnecessary vowel insertion, where vowel insertion appears unnecessary since the original sound of the source language would be permissible in the target language (Kang 2006; Peperkamp et al. 2008; Shinohara 1997). The present study investigates vowel insertion following word-final stops in English words borrowed into Korean. Vowel insertion in this environment is seemingly unmotivated because Korean native words can end in a stop and thereby an English word ending in a stop would be legitimate in the native language.
This study attempts to account for this vowel insertion by means of the adaptation-in-production approach. This view assumes that loanword adapters store the surface form of the source language and the production grammar performs the adaptation to the native phonology (Fleischhacker 2005; Jacobs and Gussenhoven 2000; Kang 2003; Kang et al. 2008; Kawahara 2006; Kenstowicz 2003, 2007; LaCharité and Paradis 2005; Miao 2006; Paradis and LaCharité 1997, 2008; Paradis and Tremblay 2009; Shinohara 2006; Steriade 2001, 2008; Yip 2002, 2006; among others). That is, the phonetic form of the original structure is faithfully taken as the abstract underlying representation and loanword adaptations are then transformations produced by the phonological process in production.
To explain why even accurately perceived forms are sometimes transformed, some researchers have appealed to perceptual factors and subphonemic details in explaining adaptation patterns using the production grammar (Fleischhacker 2005; Kang 2003; Kang et al. 2008; Kawahara 2006; Kenstowicz 2003; Miao 2006; Shinohara 2006; Steriade 2001; Yip 2002, 2006). On the perceptual similarity approach, originally proposed by Steriade (2001), speakers possess knowledge of perceptual similarity (P-map) between foreign and native sounds, and perceptual factors are incorporated into grammatical constraints that can be ranked with respect to other grammatical constraints. For example, the perceptual similarity approach argues that Korean speakers insert a vowel following an English final released stop to maintain perceptual similarity between the English form and the Korean adaptation since a stop plus a vowel is the perceptually closest Korean structure to the English stop release. That is, this hypothesis assumes that loanword adaptation is conducted by sophisticated adapters who have the ability to accurately perceive foreign sounds and choose the closest native language structure by means of a P-map which exists as a component of their grammar (Steriade 2001).
Different factors have been proposed to increase the possibility of vowel insertion in this context (Boersma and Hamann 2009; de Jong and Cho 2012; Jun 2002; Kang 2003; Kim 2018, 2021; Kwon 2017; Rhee and Choi 2001). The current study examines the effects of six different factors including release, voicing and place of coda stop, tenseness of the vowel preceding coda stop, final stress, and word length. First, the release of the English final stop favors vowel insertion in that stop release in English is acoustically similar to the vowel inserted after an English final stop in Korean (Kang 2003); this is because English word-final stops are variably released while Korean counterparts must be unreleased (Byrd 1992; Chung 1986; Crystal and House 1988; Gimson 1989; Huh 1965; Kim 1971). Second, Kang (2003) argues that stop voicing is relevant since vowel insertion after a voiced final stop maintains perceptual similarity between the English and Korean forms by placing the voiced stop in a position where voicing is legal in Korean (i.e., between sonorants). Third, vowel tenseness can also lead to the tendency to insert a final vowel after an English word with a tense pre-final vowel to create an open syllable before the word-final stop; this is because a Korean vowel tends to be longer in an open syllable than in a closed syllable (Chung and Huckvale 2001; Han 1964; Koo 1998). In addition to the factors that involve acoustic characteristics directly affecting the perception of English final stops by Korean listeners, final stop place and final syllable containing stress have also been found to affect the vowel insertion. Namely, vowel insertion is more likely when the final stop is coronal than when it is labial/dorsal; vowel insertion is also more likely when the final syllable is stressed or when it is unstressed (Jun 2002; Kang 2003). Last, word length can affect the likelihood of vowel insertion by Korean speakers adapting English words; vowel insertion is more likely in monosyllabic than in polysyllabic borrowed words (Kang 2003; Rhee and Choi 2001).
In this study, a similarity judgment task is designed to test the effects of each linguistic factor and to investigate whether an English final stop sounds similar to a stop followed by a vowel to Korean participants when specific phonetic characteristics are present. This task is directly connected to conscious judgments of perceptual similarity between native and foreign forms by allowing participants to compare English versus Korean nonce forms. Table 1 shows the predictions of the perceptual similarity approach that assumes accurate perception. Under this view, even when Korean listeners accurately perceive the English form as consonant-final, they would insert a vowel in their production to maintain perceptual similarity to an English final released or voiced stop. This predicts that listeners will judge an English CVC form ending in a released or voiced stop as more similar to Korean CVCV than Korean CVC. Similarly, it is predicted that an English CVC form preceded by a tense vowel will be judged by Korean listeners as more similar to Korean CVCV than CVC since vowels are longer in open syllables in Korean and inserting a vowel after a form with a tense vowel would maintain the perceptual similarity in vowel length. In addition, the perceptual similarity approach predicts that effects of stop place, final stress and word length will cause Korean listeners to judge an English CVC as more similar to Korean CVCV because these factors are connected in English to the greater likelihood of final stop release, as pointed out by Kang (2003). Concerning stop place effect, for instance, vowel insertion is more likely after a dorsal than a labial final stop since Korean speakers are more likely to hear a released pronunciation of a dorsal final stop than that of a labial final stop (see Table 1).
Predictions of the perceptual similarity approach for similarity judgments.
Stop release | An English word ending in a released stop will be more likely to be judged as similar to a Korean vowel-final word than an English word ending in an unreleased stop. |
Stop voicing | An English word ending in a voiced stop will be more likely to be judged as similar to a Korean vowel-final word than an English word ending in a voiceless stop. |
Vowel tenseness | An English word will be more likely to be judged as similar to a Korean vowel-final word when the English vowel preceding the final stop is tense than when it is lax. |
Stop place | An English word ending in a dorsal stop will be more likely to be judged as similar to a Korean vowel-final word than an English word ending in a labial stop. |
Final stress | An English word ending in a stressed syllable will be more likely to be judged as similar to a Korean vowel-final word than an English word ending in an unstressed syllable. |
Word length | An English monosyllabic word ending in a stop will be more likely to be judged as similar to a Korean vowel-final word than an English polysyllabic word ending in a stop. |
2 Method
2.1 Participants
Thirty Korean native speakers who were undergraduate and graduate students at a private university in Seoul participated in the similarity judgment task. The participants, 12 male and 18 female, ranged in age from 20 to 29, with an average age of 26.8 at the time of participation (SD = 11.6). The average age of first exposure to English study was 10.2 years (SD = 1.4). No participants were English majors or had lived in an English-speaking country at the time of the experiment. No participants reported any speech or hearing disorders. All participants volunteered to participate in the experiment and were compensated for their participation.
2.2 Stimuli and procedure
The 30 Korean participants each listened to 132 sets of auditory target items. Each set consisted of three forms in the following order: a Korean nonce form, an English nonce form, and a second Korean nonce form (e.g., Korean [khɛt˺] – English [khɛt] – Korean [khɛthɨ]). The English nonce form was recorded by an English native speaker, and the first and third forms were recorded by a Korean native speaker. All the English non-words ended in a stop; one of the Korean non-words ended in a consonant and the other Korean non-word ended in a lexical final vowel [ɨ]. The number of English nonce words was 132 and the number of Korean nonce words was 81. The set of target stimuli is provided in Table 3 in the Appendix A. 132 English nonwords included 84 monosyllabic, 24 disyllabic and 24 trisyllabic words. Monosyllabic words consisted of 12 words with a lax pre-final vowel [ɛ] and 72 with six different tense pre-final vowels [i:, u:, aɪ, eɪ, ɔɪ, oʊ]. The shape of monosyllabic words was CVC; that of disyllabic words was CVCVC; and that of trisyllabic words was CVCVCVC. Items varied in terms of six different linguistic factors: (i) release of final stops; (ii) voicing of final stops; (iii) tenseness of pre-final vowel; (iv) place of final stops; (v) stress of final syllable; and (vi) word length. All these English nonce items were acoustically analyzed using Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2021) to make sure that they had the phonetic properties that were hypothesized to affect Korean speakers’ perception. First, the duration of coda stop release was measured for released stops. The beginning of stop release was the point in which there was a pulse of acoustic energy for the coda stop release; the end of stop release was the point where acoustic energy of the stop release considerably declined. The average duration of coda stop release was significantly longer for dorsal stops than for labial stops (see Table 2). In addition to the release duration, the vowel duration preceding the coda stops was measured for all the stimuli, from the release of the preceding consonant to the onset of the following consonant. The analysis involved measurement of the first two formants at the mid-point of a vowel preceding a coda stop using Praat. The average vowel duration was significantly longer before voiced stops than before voiceless stops (see Table 2).
Acoustic information of English nonce target items.
Linguistic factors | Release duration, Mean (SD) | ANOVA results |
---|---|---|
Stop voicing | Voiceless 20.61 (15.26) | F(1,64) = 1.034; p > 0.1 |
Voiced 17.27 (11.03) | ||
Vowel tenseness | Lax 15.53 (14.43) | F(1,64) = 3.750; p > 0.1 |
Tense 21.78 (11.78) | ||
Stop place | Labial 12.64 (7.26) Coronal 20.50 (10.35) Dorsal 23.68 (17.93) |
F(2,63) = 4.434; p < 0.05* Tukey post hoc test Labial versus coronal: p > 0.1; Labial versus dorsal: p < 0.05*; Coronal versus dorsal: p > 0.1 |
|
||
Linguistic factors | Vowel duration, Mean (SD) | ANOVA results |
|
||
Stop voicing | Voiceless 140.27 (43.63) | F(1,130) = 33.596; p < 0.001*** |
Voiced 195.32 (63.63) | ||
Vowel tenseness | Lax 164.42 (47.52) | F(1,130) = 0.336; p > 0.1 |
Tense 170.61 (70.45) | ||
Stop place | Labial 151.59 (55.72) Coronal 176.61 (63.93) Dorsal 175.18 (61.06) |
F(2,129) = 2.387; p > 0.05 |
The auditory stimuli used in the similarity judgment experiment.
Target items | ||
---|---|---|
Korean item with no final vowel | English item | Korean item with a final vowel |
khɛt˺ | khɛt | khɛthɨ |
khɛt˺ | ||
khɛd | khɛdɨ | |
khɛd˺ | ||
hɛk˺ | fɛk | hɛkhɨ |
fɛk˺ | ||
fɛg | hɛgɨ | |
fɛg˺ | ||
khɛp˺ | khɛp | khɛphɨ |
khɛp˺ | ||
khɛb | khɛbɨ | |
khɛb˺ | ||
tsait˺ | zaɪt | tsaithɨ |
zaɪt˺ | ||
zaɪd | tsaidɨ | |
zaɪd˺ | ||
tsaik˺ | zaɪk | tsaikhɨ |
zaɪk˺ | ||
zaɪg | tsaigɨ | |
zaɪg˺ | ||
tsaip˺ | zaɪp | tsaiphɨ |
zaɪp˺ | ||
zaɪb | tsaibɨ | |
zaɪb˺ | ||
peit˺ | veɪt | peithɨ |
veɪt˺ | ||
veɪd | peidɨ | |
veɪd˺ | ||
peik˺ | veɪk | peikhɨ |
veɪk˺ | ||
veɪg | peigɨ | |
veɪg˺ | ||
peip˺ | veɪp | peiphɨ |
veɪp˺ | ||
veɪb | peibɨ | |
veɪb˺ | ||
put˺ | vuːt | puthɨ |
vuːt˺ | ||
vuːd | pudɨ | |
vuːd˺ | ||
puk˺ | vuːk | pukhɨ |
vuːk˺ | ||
vuːg | pugɨ | |
vuːg˺ | ||
pup˺ | vuːp | puphɨ |
vuːp˺ | ||
vuːb | pubɨ | |
vuːb˺ | ||
tsit˺ | ziːt | tsithɨ |
ziːt˺ | ||
ziːd | tsidɨ | |
ziːd˺ | ||
tsik˺ | ziːk | tsikhɨ |
ziːk˺ | ||
ziːg | tsigɨ | |
ziːg˺ | ||
tsip˺ | ziːp | tsiphɨ |
ziːp˺ | ||
ziːb | tsibɨ | |
ziːb˺ | ||
tsoit˺ | zɔɪt | tsoithɨ |
zɔɪt˺ | ||
zɔɪd | tsoidɨ | |
zɔɪd˺ | ||
tsoik˺ | zɔɪk | tsoikhɨ |
zɔɪk˺ | ||
zɔɪg | tsoigɨ | |
zɔɪg˺ | ||
tsoip˺ | zɔɪp | tsoiphɨ |
zɔɪp˺ | ||
zɔɪb | tsoibɨ | |
zɔɪb˺ | ||
pout˺ | voʊt | pouthɨ |
voʊt˺ | ||
voʊd | poudɨ | |
voʊd˺ | ||
pouk˺ | voʊk | poukhɨ |
voʊk˺ | ||
voʊg | pougɨ | |
voʊg˺ | ||
poup | voʊp | pouphɨ |
voʊp˺ | ||
voʊb | poubɨ | |
voʊb˺ | ||
kotsɛt˺ | ˈgozɛt | kotsɛthɨ |
ˈgozɛt˺ | ||
goˈzɛt | ||
goˈzɛt˺ | ||
ˈgozɛd | kotsɛdɨ | |
ˈgozɛd˺ | ||
goˈzɛd | ||
goˈzɛd˺ | ||
kotsɛk˺ | ˈgozɛk | kotsɛkhɨ |
ˈgozɛk˺ | ||
goˈzɛk | ||
goˈzɛk˺ | ||
ˈgozɛg | kotsɛgɨ | |
ˈgozɛg˺ | ||
goˈzɛg | ||
goˈzɛg˺ | ||
kotsɛp˺ | ˈgozɛp | kotsɛphɨ |
ˈgozɛp˺ | ||
goˈzɛp | ||
goˈzɛp˺ | ||
ˈgozɛb | kotsɛbɨ | |
ˈgozɛb˺ | ||
goˈzɛb | ||
goˈzɛb˺ | ||
komotsɛt˺ | goˈmozɛt | komotsɛthɨ |
goˈmozɛt˺ | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛt | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛt˺ | ||
goˈmozɛd | komotsɛdɨ | |
goˈmozɛd˺ | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛd | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛd˺ | ||
komotsɛk˺ | goˈmozɛk | komotsɛkhɨ |
goˈmozɛk˺ | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛk | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛk˺ | ||
goˈmozɛg | komotsɛgɨ | |
goˈmozɛg˺ | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛg | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛg˺ | ||
komotsɛp˺ | goˈmozɛp | komotsɛphɨ |
goˈmozɛp˺ | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛp | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛp˺ | ||
goˈmozɛb | komotsɛbɨ | |
goˈmozɛb˺ | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛb | ||
ˌgomoˈzɛb˺ | ||
|
||
Filler items | ||
|
||
Korean nonce item | English nonce item | Korean nonce item |
|
||
khu: | kju | kju |
tsɛs’ | zɛɵ | tsɛt˺ |
pis’ | vi:ɵ | pit˺ |
lju | rju | lu: |
pam | væm | pæm |
khɨrimi | ˈkhrimi | khɨrim |
laimʌm | ˈraɪməm | laimam |
khikhʌ | ˈkhikhər | khikhʌl |
pu | vju | pju |
pinɛithal | biˈneɪtəl | pinɛidal |
The Korean participants were asked to decide whether the second word sounded more similar to the first word or to the third word for each set. Every set was presented in a randomized order for each subject. The order of the two types of Korean forms, CVC and CVCV, was also randomized for each participant. Participants listened to the stimuli through a laptop computer using a headphone in a sound-attenuated room in the English Department at the university they went to at the time of participation. Praat’s Experiment MFC was used in this experiment. Participants saw three buttons, labeled first, second, and third, but the second button was not clickable. A new stimulus was presented as soon as participants made their choice. Listeners heard each stimulus only once and could not go back to listen again. Participants were not given any information on orthography or phonetic symbols. They heard 142 different sets of stimuli including fillers, so they clicked 142 times. The inter-stimulus interval was 0.3 s within each triplet, and participants had a short break after every 44 trials. This task took about 15 min to complete.
3 Results
The responses of the Korean participants were fitted into a mixed-effects logistic regression model using the glmer function implemented in the lme4 package (Bates et al. 2015) in R (R Core Team 2021). The model was built for the six factors (stop release, stop voicing, vowel tenseness, stop place, final stress, and word size). For the model, the dependent variable was the participants’ answers (whether participants’ response was Korean consonant-final or Korean vowel-final), and it was coded as 0 for responses of ‘English word judged as similar to Korean consonant-final word’ and 1 for responses of ‘English word judged as similar to Korean vowel-final word’.
Fixed effects included six factors, Release (Unreleased or Released), Voicing (Voiceless or Voiced), Tenseness (Lax or Tense), Place (Labial or Coronal or Dorsal), Stress (Unstressed or Stressed), and Length (Monosyllabic or Disyllabic or Trisyllabic). All factors were deviation-coded except Place and Length, which were forward difference coded, i.e., Release: Unreleased = −0.5, Released = 0.5; Voicing: Voiceless = −0.5, Voiced = 0.5; Tenseness: Lax = −0.5, Tense = 0.5; Place 1: Labial = 0.6, Coronal = −0.3, Dorsal = −0.3; Place 2: Labial = 0.3, Coronal = 0.3, Dorsal = −0.6; Stress: Unstressed = −0.5, Stressed = 0.5; Length 1: Monosyllabic = 0.6, Disyllabic = −0.3, Trisyllabic = −0.3; Length 2: Monosyllabic = 0.3, Disyllabic = 0.3, Trisyllabic = −0.6. A model started with all the six predictors and backward elimination was conducted through pairwise model comparisons using ANOVA tests based on p-value. Three predictors (Voicing, Tenseness, and Stress) were removed from the process and two-way interactions were taken into consideration for the remaining predictors (Release, Place, and Length). After the elimination of the non-significant predictors, by-participant random slopes for Release and Place and by-item random intercepts were added to the model as they improved the model. Finally, the model in Table 4 in the Appendix A was selected as the best-fitted model.
Summary of fixed effect coefficients in the best-fitted model in the similarity judgment task by Korean native speakers. Model coefficient estimates, standard errors, corresponding z-values, and p-values.
Fixed effects | Estimate | Std. error | z | p |
---|---|---|---|---|
(Intercept) | −1.280 | 0.207 | −6.177 | <0.001*** |
Release (Unreleased vs. released) | 1.852 | 0.351 | 5.276 | <0.001*** |
Place 1 (Labial vs. coronal/dorsal) | −0.942 | 0.278 | −3.391 | <0.001*** |
Place 2 (Labial/coronal vs. dorsal) | 0.365 | 0.264 | 1.383 | >0.1 |
Length 1 (Monosyllabic vs. disyllabic/trisyllabic) | 0.848 | 0.285 | 2.972 | <0.01** |
Length 2 (Monosyllabic/disyllabic vs. trisyllabic) | 0.181 | 0.359 | 0.504 | >0.1 |
The regression model for the similarity judgment task (see Table 4) found a significant main effect of Release (z = 5.276, p < 0.001). This result suggests that Korean participants were more likely to judge an English final stop as similar to a stop followed by a vowel when the final stop was released than when it was unreleased, which is consistent with the prediction of the perceptual similarity approach (see Figure 1). In the summary of fixed effect coefficients in the best-fitted model, the fitted logit value for the effect of Release is 1.852, which corresponds to a fitted proportion of participants’ choosing a vowel-final response of 0.864. That is, this model predicts that 86.4% of participants’ responses are responses of ‘English word judged as similar to Korean vowel-final word’ when Release is Released, Place is Labial, and Length is Monosyllabic (see Table 4). In the regression model, the main effect of Place 1 (Labial vs. Coronal/Dorsal) was also significant (z = −3.391, p < 0.001), indicating that participants were more likely to judge an English final stop as similar to a Korean vowel-final word when the stop was coronal or dorsal than when it was labial; yet, the main effect of Place 2 (Labial/Coronal vs. Dorsal) was not significant (p > 0.1). Thus, although dorsal final stops were more likely to be judged as similar to Korean vowel-final than labial final stops, the difference between coronal versus dorsal final stops was not statistically significant (see Figure 2). This result is consistent with the prediction of the perceptual similarity approach since the approach predicted a significant difference of labial versus dorsal stops in the similarity judgment task. In addition, the best-fitted model found a significant main effect of Length 1 (Monosyllabic vs. Disyllabic/Trisyllabic), indicating that participants were more likely to judge an English final stop as similar to a Korean vowel-final when the English form was monosyllabic than when it was disyllabic or trisyllabic (z = 2.972, p < 0.01). However, the main effect of Length 2 (Monosyllabic/Disyllabic vs. Trisyllabic) was not significant (p > 0.1), which suggests that although monosyllabic items significantly induced more vowel-final responses than disyllabic items, a significant difference was not found between disyllabic versus trisyllabic items (see Figure 3). This result is compatible with the prediction of the perceptual similarity view because the view predicted a significant difference between monosyllabic versus polysyllabic words in the similarity judgment.

Predicted probability of English word judged as similar to Korean vowel-final word depending on coda stop release; error bars indicate standard error.

Predicted probability of English word judged as similar to Korean vowel-final word depending on coda stop place; error bars indicate standard error.

Predicted probability of English word judged as similar to Korean vowel-final word depending on word length; error bars indicate standard error.
4 Discussion
We have looked at similarity judgment choices in terms of each linguistic factor according to the predictions of the perceptual similarity approach. This approach predicted that Korean listeners would choose Korean CVCV as more similar to English CVC than Korean CVC. Although participants accurately perceive English CVC, Korean CVCV would be judged as more similar to English CVC than Korean CVC when the English final stop is released or voiced and when it is preceded by a tense vowel. In addition, factors of stop place, final stress and word length would lead to an increase in perceptual similarity to Korean CVCV since they correlate with the likelihood of release in English. Although this hypothesis predicted significant effects of all the given factors, only three factors including release and place of coda stop as well as word length were found to play a role in the similarity judgment task.
In the current study, we have seen that there was a significant effect of final stop release, indicating that a greater likelihood of vowel-final responses was significantly more likely after final released than unreleased stops. Results of this study showed that items ending in unreleased stops showed relatively lower inaccuracy than the overall inaccuracy in similarity judgments (20 vs. 35%); participants had vowel-final responses in 20% of the forms that ended in an unreleased stop. This result confirms that final stop release is indeed a major factor accounting for Korean speakers’ vowel epenthesis following English final stops. As argued in previous studies, the release factor is important in Korean loan phonology based on different phonetic characteristics of English and Korean (Kang 2003; Kim 2021; Kwon 2017). That is, English coda stops are variably released whereas Korean counterparts are always released. Also, Korean high vowels tend to be devoiced when they follow aspirated stops and thus an English word-final released stop may be acoustically close to a Korean devoiced vowel (Jun and Beckman 1994; Song 2002).
In this task, there was also a significant effect of coda stop place, suggesting that Korean participants were more likely to judge an English word ending in a stop as similar to Korean vowel-final word when the coda stop was dorsal than when it was labial. Although there was no significant difference between coronal versus dorsal final stops, results are consistent with the perceptual similarity hypothesis that predicted a significant difference of labial versus dorsal stops. The dichotomy between labial versus dorsal coda stops shown in participants’ perception nicely matches with the pattern in the average duration of coda stop release (see Table 2). Kang (2003) claims that the more likely a final stop is to be released by English speakers, the more likely it is to undergo vowel insertion by Korean speakers, and that vowel insertion is more likely after a dorsal than a labial final stop because Korean speakers are more likely to hear a released pronunciation of a dorsal final stop than that of a labial final stop. Thus, there is nothing about dorsality itself that can contribute to vowel insertion; the only reason labial versus dorsal stops matters is that it affects the likelihood of release in English pronunciation. Although participants in this task did not hear naturalistic spoken English and they listened to stimuli where stop release was balanced across each category of stop place, coda stop release in the current stimuli was controlled in terms of its presence/absence and it can still vary in its duration. This pattern in release duration can affect listeners’ perception in that a longer release can be perceptually more similar to a stop followed by a vowel.
In addition, this study found a significant effect of word length, indicating that Korean listeners were more likely to judge an English word ending in a stop as similar to Korean vowel-final word when the English word was monosyllabic than when it was disyllabic. Although disyllabic words failed to significantly induce more vowel-final responses than trisyllabic words, the significant difference between monosyllabic versus disyllabic words was predicted by the perceptual similarity hypothesis; it is worth addressing the question of why monosyllabic words had more frequent vowel-final responses. Word length effect has previously been argued to be due to a word size preference in that Korean prefers disyllabic prosodic word structure (Hirano 1994a, 1994b). An effect of Japanese English-to-Korean adaptation was also possibly one reason for Koreans’ tendency toward vowel epenthesis in English monosyllables since many English monosyllabic words were adapted into Japanese as disyllables with open final syllables and Korean borrowed these loanwords from Japanese (Hirano 1994b; Kang et al. 2008). In this respect, the word length effect does not appear to follow from the perceptual similarity approach. However, if listeners are biased toward hearing structures that are legal in their native language, the dispreference for monosyllabic words in Korean could bias listeners toward hearing an extra syllable in monosyllabic forms. For example, Peperkamp and Dupoux (2003) claim that the phonological constraints of a language affect perception; that is, Japanese speakers heard an extra vowel in forms like ebzo because ebzo would not be legitimate in the language. Similarly, it is entirely possible that the Korean participants in the current study heard an extra syllable in monosyllabic forms because monosyllabic words are not preferred in Korean.
The results of this study concerning the main effect of release predictor are compatible with the hypothesis of the perceptual similarity approach; namely, the similarity judgment task provided evidence that is accounted for by the perceptual similarity theory in terms of stop release. Results also showed the significant effects of other factors associated with coda stop release that were predicted to lead to more frequent vowel-final responses by the perceptual similarity view. However, it is surprising that stop voicing and vowel tenseness were not found significant in this study since these factors have been previously claimed to involve acoustic cues that can directly affect second language perception (Kim 2021; Kwon 2017). This result supports the need for further study that can focus more on direct perception rather than judgments of perceptual similarity, asking listeners to hear foreign sounds alone. The findings of this study suggest that the phenomenon of unnecessary repair in Korean loanwords cannot be attributed only to maintaining perceptual similarity in production and that other possible factors can play a role in loanword adaptation such as misperception, orthography, and explicit conventions of the Korean Academy. Unnecessary vowel epenthesis appears to be a complex interplay between production, perception and various other linguistic elements.
References
Bates, Douglas, Martin Maechler, Ben Bolker & Steve Walker. 2015. Fitting linear mixed-effects models using lme4. Journal of Statistical Software 67(1). 1–48. https://doi.org/10.18637/jss.v067.i01.Suche in Google Scholar
Boersma, Paul & Silke Hamann. 2009. Loanword adaptation as first-language phonological perception. In Andrea Calabrese & W. Leo Wetzels (eds.), Loanword phonology, 11–58. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.10.1075/cilt.307.02boeSuche in Google Scholar
Boersma, Paul & David Weenink. 2021. Praat: Doing phonetics by computer [Computer program]. Version 6.2.04.Suche in Google Scholar
Byrd, Dani. 1992. A note on English sentence-final stops. UCLA Working Papers in Phonetics 81. 37–38.Suche in Google Scholar
Chung, Kook. 1986. The role of [release] and CV-constraints in phonology: Evidence from Korean. In The Linguistic Society of Korean (ed.), Linguistics in the morning calm, vol. 2, 317–336. Seoul: Hanshin.Suche in Google Scholar
Chung, Hyunsong & Mark Huckvale. 2001. Linguistic factors affecting timing in Korean with application to speech synthesis. In 7th European Conference on Speech Communication and Technology, 3–7 September, 815–818. Aalborg, Denmark: Eurospeech 2001.10.21437/Eurospeech.2001-252Suche in Google Scholar
Crystal, Thomas & Arthur House. 1988. The duration of American-English stop consonants: An overview. Journal of Phonetics 16. 285–294. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30503-0.Suche in Google Scholar
de Jong, Kenneth & Mi-hui Cho. 2012. Loanword phonology and perceptual mapping: Comparing two corpora of Korean contact with English. Language 88(2). 341–368. https://doi.org/10.1353/lan.2012.0035.Suche in Google Scholar
Fleischhacker, Heidi. 2005. Similarity in phonology: Evidence from reduplication and loan adaptation. Los Angeles, CA: University of California dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar
Gimson, Alfred. 1989. An introduction to the pronunciation of English, 3rd edn. London: Arnold.Suche in Google Scholar
Han, Mieko S. 1964. Studies in the phonology of Asian language II: Duration of Korean vowels. Los Angeles, CA: University of California.Suche in Google Scholar
Hirano, Hideyuki. 1994a. Syllabification and foot structure in Korean: Evidence from loanwords. In The annual report of the faculty of art and letters, vol. 44. Sendai: Tohoku University.Suche in Google Scholar
Hirano, Hideyuki. 1994b. A constraint-based approach to Korean loanwords. Language Research 30. 707–739.Suche in Google Scholar
Huh, Woong. 1965. Kugeo Eumunhak [Korean phonology]. Seoul: Cengumsa.Suche in Google Scholar
Jacobs, Haike & Carlos Gussenhoven. 2000. Loan phonology: Perception, salience, the lexicon and OT. In Joost Dekkers, Frank van der Leeuw & Jeroen van de Weijer (eds.), Optimality theory: Phonology, syntax, and acquisition, 193–210. Oxford: Oxford University Press.10.1093/oso/9780198238430.003.0006Suche in Google Scholar
Jun, Eun. 2002. Yeongeo Chayongeo Eumjeol Mal Pyeswaeeumui Payeol Yeobuwa Moeum Sabibe Gwanhan Silheomjeok Yeongu [An experimental study of the effect of release of English syllable final stops on vowel epenthesis in English loanwords]. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 8. 117–134.Suche in Google Scholar
Jun, Sun-Ah & Mary Beckman. 1994. Distribution of devoiced high vowels in Korean. In Proceedings of the international conference on spoken language processing, vol. 2, 479–482.10.21437/ICSLP.1994-110Suche in Google Scholar
Kang, Hyunsook. 2006. An acoustic study of the perceptual significance of F2 transition of /w/ in English and Korean. Speech Sciences 13. 7–21.Suche in Google Scholar
Kang, Yoonjung. 2003. Perceptual similarity in loanword adaptation: English postvocalic word-final stops in Korean. Phonology 20. 219–273. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675703004524.Suche in Google Scholar
Kang, Yoonjung, Michael Kenstowicz & Chiyuki Ito. 2008. Hybrid loans: A study of English loanwords transmitted to Korean via Japanese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 17. 299–316. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10831-008-9029-5.Suche in Google Scholar
Kawahara, Shigeto. 2006. A faithfulness ranking projected from a perceptibility scale: The case of [±voice] in Japanese. Language 82. 536–574. https://doi.org/10.1353/lan.2006.0146.Suche in Google Scholar
Kenstowicz, Michael. 2003. The role of perception in loanword phonology: A review of Les emprunts linguistiques d’origine européenne en Fon. Studies in African Linguistics 32. 95–112.10.32473/sal.v32i1.107344Suche in Google Scholar
Kenstowicz, Michael. 2007. Salience and similarity in loanword adaptation: A case study from Fijian. Language Sciences 29. 316–340. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2006.12.023.Suche in Google Scholar
Kim, Chin-Wu. 1971. Two phonological notes: A-sharp and B-flat. In Michael Brame (ed.), Contributions to generative phonology, 155–170. Austin: University of Texas Press.Suche in Google Scholar
Kim, Jungyeon. 2018. Production and perception of English word-final stops by Korean speakers. Stony Brook, NY: Stony Brook University dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar
Kim, Jungyeon. 2021. Perception of foreign segments in loanword phonology. Lingua 262. 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2021.103160.Suche in Google Scholar
Koo, Hee-San. 1998. Moeum Kirie Michineun Jaeum Hwangyeongui Yeonghyang [The influence of consonant environment upon the vowel duration]. Korean Journal of Speech Science 4(1). 7–17.Suche in Google Scholar
Kwon, Harim. 2017. Language experience, speech perception and loanword adaptation: Variable adaptation of English word-final plosives into Korean. Journal of Phonetics 60. 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2016.10.001.Suche in Google Scholar
LaCharité, Darlene & Carole Paradis. 2005. Category preservation and proximity versus phonetic approximation in loanword adaptation. Linguistic Inquiry 36. 223–258. https://doi.org/10.1162/0024389053710666.Suche in Google Scholar
Miao, Ruiqin. 2006. Loanword adaptation in Mandarin Chinese: Perceptual, phonological and sociolinguistic factors. Stony Brook, NY: Stony Brook University dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar
Paradis, Carole & Darlene LaCharité. 1997. Preservation and minimality in loanword adaptation. Journal of Linguistics 33. 379–430. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226797006786.Suche in Google Scholar
Paradis, Carole & Darlene LaCharité. 2008. Apparent phonetic approximation: English loanwords in old Quebec French. Journal of Linguistics 44. 87–128. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022226707004963.Suche in Google Scholar
Paradis, Carole & Antoine Tremblay. 2009. Nondistinctive features in loanword adaptation: The unimportance of English aspiration in Mandarin Chinese phoneme categorization. In Andrea Calabrese & W. Leo Wetzels (eds.), Loanword phonology, 211–224. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.10.1075/cilt.307.09parSuche in Google Scholar
Peperkamp, Sharon & Emmanuel Dupoux. 2003. Reinterpreting loanword adaptations: The role of perception. In Maria-Josep Solé, Daniel Recasens & Joaquin Romero (eds.), Proceedings of the 15th international congress of phonetic sciences, 367–370. Barcelona: Causal Productions.Suche in Google Scholar
Peperkamp, Sharon, Inga Vendelin & Kimihiro Nakamura. 2008. On the perceptual origin of loanword adaptations: Experimental evidence from Japanese. Phonology 25. 129–164. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0952675708001425.Suche in Google Scholar
R Core Team. 2021. R: A language and environment for statistical computing. Vienna, Austria: R Foundation for Statistical Computing.Suche in Google Scholar
Rhee, Seok-Jae & Yoo-Kyung Choi. 2001. Yeongeo Chayongeoui Moeum Sabibe Daehan Tonggyegwanchalgwa Geu Uiui [A statistical observation of vowel insertion in English loanwords in Korean and its significance]. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 7. 153–176.Suche in Google Scholar
Shinohara, Shigeko. 1997. Analyse phonologique de l’adaptation japonaise de mots étrangers. Paris: Université Paris III dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar
Shinohara, Shigeko. 2006. Perceptual effects in final cluster reduction patterns. Lingua 116. 1046–1078. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2005.06.008.Suche in Google Scholar
Song, Yoon-Kyoung. 2002. Hangugeo Daehwacheui Eumseongkeok Teukseonge Gwanhan Yeongu: Eumjeorui Jisoksigangwa Moeuimui Museonghwareul Jungsimeuro [A study on phonetic characteristics of spontaneous speech: Syllable duration and vowel devoicing]. Seoul: Seoul National University dissertation.Suche in Google Scholar
Steriade, Donca. 2001. Directional asymmetries in place assimilation: A perceptual account. In Elizabeth Hume & Keith Johnson (eds.), The role of speech perception in phonology, 219–250. San Diego: Academic Press.10.1163/9789004454095_013Suche in Google Scholar
Steriade, Donca. 2008. The phonology of perceptibility effects: The P-map and its consequences for constraint organization. In Kristin Hanson & Sharon Inkelas (eds.), The nature of the word: Studies in honor of Paul Kiparsky, 151–180. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.10.7551/mitpress/9780262083799.003.0007Suche in Google Scholar
Yip, Moira. 2002. Necessary but not sufficient: Perceptual influences in loanword phonology. Journal of the Phonetic Society of Japan 6. 4–21.Suche in Google Scholar
Yip, Moira. 2006. The symbiosis between perception and grammar in loanword phonology. Lingua 116. 950–975. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2005.05.007.Suche in Google Scholar
© 2022 the author(s), published by De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston
This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Editorial
- Editorial 2022
- Research Articles
- Perceptual similarity is not all: online perception of English coda stops by Korean listeners
- How Russian speakers express evolution in Pokémon names: an experimental study with nonce words
- Individual differences in simultaneous perceptual compensation for coarticulatory and lexical cues
- Phonetic change over the career: a case study
- Quantifying the importance of morphomic structure, semantic values, and frequency of use in Romance stem alternations
- The syntax of the diminutive morpheme -aaj in Egyptian Arabic, Syrian Arabic, and Jordanian Arabic
- Length, position, and functions of inter-clausal Chinese–English code-switching in a bilingual novel
- Discourse connectives and their arguments: an experiment on anaphoricity in German
- Modeling (im)precision in context
- The landscape of non-canonical ‘only’ in German
- Introducing Construction Semantics (CxS): a frame-semantic extension of Construction Grammar and constructicography
- Defining numeral classifiers and identifying classifier languages of the world
- A multivariate analysis of causative do and causative make in Middle English
- Unstressed versus stressed German additive auch – what determines a speaker’s choice?
- Metaphors are embodied otherwise they would not be metaphors
- A word-based account of comprehension and production of Kinyarwanda nouns in the Discriminative Lexicon
- Accounting for the relationship between lexical prevalence and acquisition with Bayesian networks and population dynamics
- L2 motivation and willingness to communicate: a moderated mediation model of psychological shyness
- Why are multiword units hard to acquire for late L2 learners? Insights from cognitive science on adult learning, processing, and retrieval
- Regularization in the face of variable input: Children’s acquisition of stem-final fricative plurals in American English
- The Manchester Voices Accent Van: taking sociolinguistic data collection on the road
- Interpreting the order of operations in a sociophonetic analysis
- Individual variation in performing reading-aloud speech among deaf speakers
- Generating hypotheses for alternations at low and intermediate levels of schematicity. The use of Memory-based Learning
- How can complex graphemes be identified in German?
- The Menzerath-Altmann law on the clause level in English texts
- A cognitive semantic analysis of ‘eat’ verb usages in Bangla
- Metonymy in the Korean internally headed relative clause construction
- Corpus linguistic and experimental studies on the meaning-preserving hypothesis in Indonesian voice alternations
- Monomodal and multimodal metaphors in editorial cartoons on the coronavirus by Jordanian cartoonists
- Corrigendum
- Corrigendum to: repetition in Mandarin-speaking children’s dialogs: its distribution and structural dimensions
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Editorial
- Editorial 2022
- Research Articles
- Perceptual similarity is not all: online perception of English coda stops by Korean listeners
- How Russian speakers express evolution in Pokémon names: an experimental study with nonce words
- Individual differences in simultaneous perceptual compensation for coarticulatory and lexical cues
- Phonetic change over the career: a case study
- Quantifying the importance of morphomic structure, semantic values, and frequency of use in Romance stem alternations
- The syntax of the diminutive morpheme -aaj in Egyptian Arabic, Syrian Arabic, and Jordanian Arabic
- Length, position, and functions of inter-clausal Chinese–English code-switching in a bilingual novel
- Discourse connectives and their arguments: an experiment on anaphoricity in German
- Modeling (im)precision in context
- The landscape of non-canonical ‘only’ in German
- Introducing Construction Semantics (CxS): a frame-semantic extension of Construction Grammar and constructicography
- Defining numeral classifiers and identifying classifier languages of the world
- A multivariate analysis of causative do and causative make in Middle English
- Unstressed versus stressed German additive auch – what determines a speaker’s choice?
- Metaphors are embodied otherwise they would not be metaphors
- A word-based account of comprehension and production of Kinyarwanda nouns in the Discriminative Lexicon
- Accounting for the relationship between lexical prevalence and acquisition with Bayesian networks and population dynamics
- L2 motivation and willingness to communicate: a moderated mediation model of psychological shyness
- Why are multiword units hard to acquire for late L2 learners? Insights from cognitive science on adult learning, processing, and retrieval
- Regularization in the face of variable input: Children’s acquisition of stem-final fricative plurals in American English
- The Manchester Voices Accent Van: taking sociolinguistic data collection on the road
- Interpreting the order of operations in a sociophonetic analysis
- Individual variation in performing reading-aloud speech among deaf speakers
- Generating hypotheses for alternations at low and intermediate levels of schematicity. The use of Memory-based Learning
- How can complex graphemes be identified in German?
- The Menzerath-Altmann law on the clause level in English texts
- A cognitive semantic analysis of ‘eat’ verb usages in Bangla
- Metonymy in the Korean internally headed relative clause construction
- Corpus linguistic and experimental studies on the meaning-preserving hypothesis in Indonesian voice alternations
- Monomodal and multimodal metaphors in editorial cartoons on the coronavirus by Jordanian cartoonists
- Corrigendum
- Corrigendum to: repetition in Mandarin-speaking children’s dialogs: its distribution and structural dimensions