Startseite Signs and objects in op-ed articles on loneliness in the US and Singapore newspapers: a semiotic interpretation
Artikel Open Access

Signs and objects in op-ed articles on loneliness in the US and Singapore newspapers: a semiotic interpretation

  • Nimrod L. Delante

    Nimrod L. Delante, PhD is a Lecturer at the Language and Communication Centre, School of Humanities, Nanyang Technological University Singapore. His research interests include semiotics, rhetoric, phenomenology, and human behaviour. Nimrod is a deeply reflective teacher and writer.

    ORCID logo EMAIL logo
    , Esther Soo Wansing

    Esther Soo Wansing is a Lecturer at the Language and Communication Centre, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. She teaches undergraduate courses such as interdisciplinary inquiry and writing, as well as engineering communication. Her current research interests include semiotics, presentation skills, critical thinking skills, and pedagogical approaches in the classroom using generative AI.

    und Audrey Toh Lin Lin

    Audrey Toh Lin Lin is a Lecturer at the Language and Communication Centre, Nanyang Technological University Singapore. She has taught business communication and academic writing in Singapore’s polytechnics and universities. Her current research interests include critical discourse analysis – systemic functional grammar, semiotics, the scholarship of teaching and learning about writing, students’ research questions, critical thinking, and the use of generative AI in teaching and learning.

Veröffentlicht/Copyright: 27. Februar 2025

Abstract

Semiotics uncovers signs and objects in narrative accounts and vivid descriptions in the larger body of texts through the power of an interpretant. A sign is an idea that stands for something bigger while an object is a possible interpretation or meaning of that idea. An interpretant is best thought of as the understanding that we have of the sign-object relation. In this study, we attempted to answer two research questions: (1) What signs do descriptive accounts of loneliness signify, and what objects do these significations suggest? (2) How do these sign-object relations accomplish awareness and understanding of loneliness as a deep human emotion? By thematically analysing 30 opinion articles on loneliness published in the US and Singapore newspapers, we were able to decipher the signs that op-ed articles on loneliness suggest, and we seemed to have unravelled the meanings of these signs. We seemed to have found two signs in our interpretation and meaning making: (1) In the US, loneliness exists due to the rapid deterioration of deep and meaningful human connections, and (2) In Singapore, loneliness that is made overt is a sign of human weakness. What object does the first sign suggest? We surmise that our material body has enormous power to connect with other human beings in the physical world in which we live. Fundamentally realizing the power of our lived body and our lived mind can allow us to sustain meaningful human connections that matter to our mental health. For the second sign, we argue that Singaporeans in general tend to create a binary self of which they are ensnared into a double identity that somehow explains who they are. However, this rise of embodying a binary self or a double identity in the Asian context seems to conceal difficult, heavy, and pervasive emotions such as loneliness bringing a debilitating impact on mental health. Theoretical and cultural implications invite Singaporeans to embrace vulnerability and human frailty as a way of dealing with loneliness as a dangerous emotion. Practical implications also draw into the power of embracing vulnerability and human frailty so that individuals can manage and overcome difficult emotions such as loneliness that has bearing on the kind of life they want to live.

1 Introduction

Loneliness is a deep, complex, and multifaceted emotion that knows no age, gender, ethnicity, social status, religious beliefs, or geographical boundaries. Loneliness transcends time, distance, and space. The American Psychological Association (APA 2018) defines loneliness as “affective and cognitive discomfort or uneasiness from being or perceiving oneself to be alone or feeling as though you are alone or otherwise solitary”. It is a state of distress or emotional discomfort that results when one feels a gap between one’s desire for social connection and actual experiences of it (APA 2018). It is a feeling of isolation that can be subjective, existential, or social, and it seems prevalent in one’s personhood, etched in one’s being, and cast in one’s psyche. The emotional experience of loneliness has been characterized as “a sad or aching sense of isolation; that is, of being alone, cut off, or distanced from others” (MacEvoy et al. 2011) which happens either to young people or the ageing population. From the sociocultural perspective, we may lose a sense of purpose as we age and shed the many roles taken up during our lives; therefore, loneliness becomes more apparent within us as we age in time because of fear of becoming completely dependent on others such as family and friends (Lin and Ng 2023).

Loneliness is different from solitude. Loneliness is a negative, penetrating, melancholic feeling, while solitude is a conscious desire to be alone due to social fatigue; thus, being alone in solitude could be a relief (Birditt et al. 2019; Tse et al. 2022). It can be difficult to spot loneliness in the faces, mannerisms, and body language of people, although some researchers claim we can do this if we try hard enough (Cheeta et al. 2021; Gastonguay 1972; Lodder et al. 2016; Redmond 2024; Saito et al. 2020). Nonetheless, this perceived difficulty in spotting loneliness arises from the fact that, as human beings, we can master the art of concealing our emotions, e.g., disguising sadness and grief through smiling, chuckling, or laughing, for which people around us could be clueless about the suffering and sorrow growing immensely inside us. At times, manifested by outward anger or indignation, we may not have a hint that unmanaged anger and hostility could be symptoms of profound and unregulated loneliness (Theeke et al. 2019; Yount 2000).

However, when we try hard enough and pay close attention to people’s public behaviour, we might just spot loneliness in them (Cheeta et al. 2021; Gastonguay 1972; Lodder et al. 2016; Redmond 2024; Saito et al. 2020). For instance, someone’s drooped corners of the face, slumped shoulders, and dull and distant eyes can suggest a feeling of deep loneliness brought by different reasons we can only imagine. Similarly, someone’s sleepy face, frowning mouth, numb lips, and frosty, hollow look in the eyes suggest the same. In one public garden, you can see a big family boisterously laughing while sharing food, cracking jokes, and telling stories; in another corner, you will see a man all by himself looking at a far distance, shying away from the prying eyes of the crowd. Being self-absorbed, preoccupied, and not attentive to the environment seem to be manifestations of lonely people. The apparent perceptibility of these physical characteristics could be connected to their personal strivings, which we can infer from their facial expressions and self-absorption putting so much weight on their sense of being.

In this study, we do not claim that we are lonely people although we cannot be certain that we were not at all lonely at some point in our lives. Who knows we could have been lonely at some point in time; we just did not pay attention to it, or we just ignored it perhaps due to the discomfort it brings to our spirit. Who knows we could have been living a solitary life but not lonely; we just enjoyed it with the passage of time. Who knows we could be living a happy and fulfilled life with family and friends; we are just brazenly interested in exploring what it is and how it is to be lonely.

However, the truth behind this interest in exploring loneliness, particularly with a focus on exploring the semiotics of loneliness (intersubjective mediation by signs) had been uncovered through a lunch conversation in which we shared, debated, and problematized a common observation in two settings; (1) about people’s behaviour on public transport such as the MRT or buses, and other public places in Singapore such as public parks, and (2) about students’ perceived behaviour on campus.

In public transport and public parks, some of the people we observed intentionally ignored the chaos of a fast-paced world by wearing their headsets, watching videos, playing video games, walking leisurely oblivious of other people, or were just literally bored and unmindful of the clamant chaos of the outside world. However, our eyes noticed a few individuals who tend to squeeze themselves into a corner, eyes dull and expressionless, with a slouched posture, drooped shoulders, and looking afar with their minds drifting away from the glass windows of the train or the bus or gazing at a far horizon where the earth and the skies meet. The same can be said with some students on campus. With the majority of them operating in their own bubbles with their headsets on or putting on their poker facades in a crowd but engaging in conversations among their in-groups, we would sometimes catch sight of a few students sitting alone on a bench, walking alone sluggishly on the pavements, squeezing oneself at a corner table in a hall, or squatting on a grass lawn away from the persistent chaos of the crowd. Their faces look heavy with slumped cheeks; their sentience is evident; their frosty aura is palpable, and their forlorn, melancholic eyes speak volumes.

We wonder whether they are living a lonely life in the cosmopolitan and rapidly growing city-state of Singapore; however, we do not have the courage to ask one person, let alone conduct a random interview because we respect each other’s desire to protect silence and privacy, that, at times, become more perceptible and meaningful when we remain tranquil within our own bubbles on campus, as well as in a speedy train or rumbling bus on the way to work and back perhaps because this is the only chance we could enjoy and protect each other’s solitude.

With such heightened interest driven by our vivid observations and personal musings, we persisted in our pursuit of exploring and analysing loneliness in a different but much easier yet subtle way in terms of approach apropos to our work as humanities scholars: reading opinion articles on loneliness at our disposal with our belief in the power of the written word aided by thematic analysis. Perhaps, there is something in the written texts we have not discovered. Perhaps there are some insights there waiting for us to decipher.

We decided to select opinion articles on loneliness published in the US newspapers and Singapore newspapers, and we were able to capture key themes that emerged from thematic analysis of textual data, while mindful of the principles of semiotics as the study of signs and objects in texts (Peirce 1955) and the possibility of comparing how Western and Asian cultures view loneliness. The choice of the US newspapers and Singapore newspapers was motivated by the fact that it is in these newspapers that loneliness articles abound and are readily accessible on the internet. Other researchers can explore articles on loneliness published in their local newspapers or magazines.

2 Semiotics as theoretical framework

This study is framed within the semiotic tradition of communication theory, which views communication (e.g., accounts and descriptions of events, phenomena, ideas, or concepts such as loneliness in op-ed articles) as the intersubjective mediation by signs (Craig 1999). Communication theorized this way explains the use of language (written, spoken, or nonverbal), symbols, icons, images, portrayals, metaphors, analogies, and other sign systems to mediate between different perspectives (Craig 1999). Intersubjectivity refers to the common-sense meanings constructed in interactions; in this case, how those articles about loneliness are perceived and written by different authors, what is the language and tone of writing, what are the authors’ perspectives, values, and beliefs about loneliness, in what ways are those articles in conversation with each other, what patterns emerge from the writing, what insights are shared, and what reactions you and I have as readers gleaning over these articles right now or at some point in the future. Intersubjectivity is used as a resource to interpret deeper meanings that permeate our social, cultural, political, and personal lives. Semiotics posits that signs construct their users or subject positions, that meanings are public and indeterminate, that understanding is a practical gesture, and that codes and media of communication are not merely neutral structures or channels for the transmission of meanings (Craig 1999), but possess sign-like properties of their own, i.e., the code shapes the content and the medium itself becomes a message, or the message (McLuhan 1994).

Semiotics takes advantage of the power of narrative and descriptive accounts about an idea, concept, event, or phenomenon. These accounts can emanate from written texts such as articles that describe people’s views and lived experiences on loneliness. Barthes (2004) pointed out that:

…a narrative begins with the history of mankind; … no nation is without narratives: all social classes, all human groups have their own narratives, and very often they bring equal enjoyment to people of different cultures. Narrative doesn’t want to know what good and bad literature is; it is international, trans-historical, and transcultural. It is in the world, lifelike (as cited in Allen 2003).

In Barthes’s (2004) words, the hermeneutic code implicit in narratives offers a somber yet palpable and scathing enigma for the readers making them react through questions and deeper interpretations of the topic (Felluga 2015). The vibrant lifeworld of narratives suspends or delays surprise, prolongs the offering of answers, and acknowledges insolubility. Therefore, discourse must be open to arrest and sustain the puzzle that narratives possess. Semiotics, according to Barthes, bodes well with narratives because it allows interpretants to seize deeper structural principles that help organize and categorize ideas or meanings by way of intersubjective mediation by signs (Craig 1999) which can emerge in the forms of words or speech utterances, antithetical terms, or a mixture and conciliation of such terms, codes and other sign systems for deeper meanings to come to the fore (Felluga 2015).

In a broader sense, narratives are deeply immersed in our way of life, and they are a semiotic representation of a series of events semantically related in a temporal, causal, historical, cultural, personal, symbolic, and meaningful way. Stories, accounts, descriptions, images, portrayals, and anecdotes about loneliness can be constructed using a wide range of semiotic environments in narratives: the written and spoken word in narration, visual images or illustrations, specific and nuanced vocabulary, gestures and actions, symbolic representations and subtleties in text, or a combination of these, bringing with them the puzzle that semiotic interpretants (e.g., we, as researchers and readers of texts on loneliness) continuously engage ourselves and others to problematize loneliness as a deep emotional state. Any semiotic construct, anything made of characters or narrators, captured in written forms can be called a text. Consequently, texts can be linguistic, non-verbal, theatrical, pictorial, graphic, or filmed (Allen 2003), that is, all texts that we experience have a story of their own; all texts that we experience create semiotic representations or sign-object connections. Examples of these texts are those published online articles that share compelling views, descriptions, explanations, and discussions about why people are lonely, and how semiotics can explain this disturbing phenomenon.

3 Peircean semiotics

In uncovering the signs and symbols in narrative accounts in the larger body of texts, Peirce (1955) suggested a simple strategy: to determine the sign (signifier), the object (the signified), and the interpretant, although Peirce (1955) argued that such process gets complicated and challenging as the semiotic researcher goes deeper in their exploration of signs and symbols and is profoundly immersed in these signs and symbols. In one of his many definitions of a sign, Peirce (1955) shared a fundamental view: “I define a sign as anything which is so determined by something else, called its object, and so determines an effect upon a person, which effect I call its interpretant, that the latter is thereby mediately determined by the former” (Atkin 2010). Peirce claimed that signs consist of three interrelated parts: a sign, an object, and an interpretant. We view the sign as the signifier, for example, a written word or an utterance, such that a smoke is a sign that there is fire (Atkin 2010).

In studies such as this study on loneliness as a deep, perplexing emotion, one might argue that loneliness in America is a clinical condition and that the healthcare industry of America believes that they can put a stop to it, which is through medical, scientific, and practical interventions. Therefore, an emerging sign could be that “loneliness is a clinical condition” for which the human brain and modern medicine have a huge and entangled role to play. But what does it mean? What object does it signify? Thinking deeply, we mused how America seems to have the highest regard for science as a way of explaining social conditions and curing the sick. They excel in science and technology. They tend to define and understand phenomena through science, less myths, folklore, or indigenous beliefs. With this, what does the sign “loneliness is a clinical condition” mean? Our interpretation led us to argue that science and medicine can cure not only physical illnesses but also psychological or mental conditions. That loneliness seems to be a largely scientific condition that can be cured scientifically, rather than using other means such as through primordial or traditional ways of healing a mental health condition, e.g., spiritism or shamanism. The object is best thought of as what is signified, e.g., the object to which the written or uttered word attaches, such that loneliness as a clinical condition (sign) suggests a practical gesture, i.e., it warrants medical attention, not hearsay (object).

The interpretant, the most innovative and distinctive feature of Peirce’s semiotics, is best thought of as the understanding that we have of the sign-object relation (Atkin 2010). The importance of the interpretant is their stance that signification is not a simple dyadic relationship between a sign and an object: a sign signifies only in being interpreted. This makes the interpretant central to the content of the sign, in that the meaning of a sign is manifest in the hermeneutic interpretation that it generates in sign users (Pharies 1985). In this study, the interpretant is this union of readers who are making sense of the articles they are reading, and the emergent understanding they make of their interaction with the text. In reading and interpreting op-ed articles on loneliness, we, as researchers and interpreters, became one with the texts, and our collective understanding as three individuals reacting to the written texts on loneliness constituting our role as interpretants emerged helpful in arriving at a sincere and truthful interpretation – one that is subjective yet illustrating honesty, fidelity, and trustworthiness among ourselves and our ways of understanding the texts and the world around us.

These elements, the sign, the object, and the final interpretant in semiotic interpretation, and mindfulness of these elements in the act of interpreting, emerged helpful in our thematic analysis of 30 op-ed articles describing, explaining, and analysing loneliness as a growing epidemic not only in the US and in Singapore, but in many parts of the world.

4 Literature review

The increasing decline of human connection can lead to social isolation and loneliness and pose a threat to the human condition. Loneliness can be torturous (Rokach 2013) as it wreaks havoc on an individual’s physical, mental, and cognitive health (Hawkley and Kocherginsky 2018). Loneliness and social isolation are twice as harmful to physical and mental health as obesity (Holt-Lunstad et al. 2015). It increases the risk of premature death as it raises levels of stress, impedes better sleep, which in turn harms the human body (Valtorta et al. 2016). Loneliness crushes the soul, but it does far more damage than that. It is linked to strokes, heart disease, dementia, inflammation, and suicide (Kristoff 2023). It can also augment anxiety and depression (Valtorta et al. 2016) with a debilitating impact on the human immune system and affective and cognitive functioning. Hard-wired to connect, our bodies go into a state of high alert when we are lonely – stress hormones course through our veins, and our heart rate and blood pressure go up (Hertz 2021) leading to high mortality. Loneliness is detrimental to our health as smoking 15 cigarettes a day (Hertz 2021). Loneliness is indeed a paradoxical puzzle, an entirely subjective experience of distress at one’s perceived lack of social connection. This is true whether we are alone most of the time or at the centre of a dance floor (Cummins and Zaleski 2023) because one can be lonely in a crowd (Chan et al. 2023).

Social connection or social connectedness can help people suffering from loneliness thrive, manage, and survive hostile environments, both physical and mental (Hawkley and Cacioppo 2010). Being socially connected is highly rewarding as it allows us to make amends with ourselves and find meaning in our relationships with other people and in the things that we do. Being socially connected is what it means to be human (Murthy 2023; Warren 2022). If we are more connected to others, we can deal with and manage anxiety, stress, and depression because we develop empathy for others and ourselves, and we become trusting and cooperative in building deep, meaningful, and authentic human relationships (Sepalla 2014). If we find like-minded individuals who share our interests and passion and engage them in meaningful conversations, then we can build and sustain deep human connections which is a great way to find our purpose in life and combat loneliness. It seems that there is something to be said for friends who are living, breathing human beings (Kristof 2023) yet most people hunker down and hide themselves in their own bubbles such that reaching out to a friend becomes difficult. Social connection is “a natural medicine hiding in plain sight” but it is puzzling and alarming that people do not seem to take advantage of it (Cummins and Zaleski 2023). Social isolation is a rare malady whose cure is hiding in plain sight, known to be effective, and costs relatively little, yet such a cure seems elusive to many. Community institutions have frayed. We seem to be on our own, the reason why so many of us are dying alone (Kristof 2023).

Physical or bodily activities prove helpful in sustaining deep, meaningful human connection as a way to combat loneliness. We cannot neglect our actual bodiliness in our material existence with the world (Merleau-Ponty 1968) because this is the starting point of a reflective mind or lived consciousness, and how we make sense of our place and position in the world. Through physical activities, we can arrest moments that unfold in front of us and live these moments. It is in these fleeting moments that we can smell each other, feel each other’s breath, touch each other’s skin, experience the warmth of our blood through our skin, and look each other in the eye – the senses that make us human, at times make us feel vulnerable but allow us to fathom how genuine experience can be enjoyed in the simplicity and physicality of our bodily existence with the material world (Warren 2022). The physicality and materiality of our experience, the sensual joy of sounds, smells, touch, and sight, has always been profoundly humanizing, and we are made for these. We are made to notice and smell the petrichor of the rain, hear the sounds of crickets, and appreciate the beauty and vastness of the sky (Warren 2022). We are creatures made to encounter beauty and goodness in the material world, and our bodies are made for these (Johnson 2017; Merleau-Ponty 1968; Warren 2022).

We should not marginalise the human body as “a mere abode of the mind but, on the contrary, the higher functions, including thought itself, should still be regarded as bodily functions referring not only to the human brain or the mind but to the whole body in its relational being-in-the-world” (Merleau-Ponty 1968) (italics ours for emphasis). To ignore the fundamental function of the human body in a fast-paced, capitalist, neoliberal, chaotic society, and how our bodies have an inherent and profound link to our deeper consciousness shaping our minds and our moral decisions (Johnson 2017), is to succumb to the rising incidence of isolation, detachment, and loneliness with dangerously startling consequences on physical and mental health. It might just be possible that a lonely mind might be healed with help from the human body (Cummins and Zaleski 2023). Thus, as human beings, we need to fight for the tangible world, for enduring ways of interacting with others, for holism. We need to reconnect with material things: nature, soil, the earth, our bodies, and the people we hold dear in real life. This doesn’t necessarily have to be big and dramatic, and we don’t have to hurl our computers into the sea en masse (Warren 2022).

In exploring loneliness, Asians seem to be facing more harmful consequences of their struggles because not only are they pushing themselves to social isolation, but many have also become masters in terms of concealing loneliness by deceiving others with a stoical façade because to declare loneliness out in the open seems to be a sign of human weakness, a life unfulfilled, or a failed existence with the world (Ko 2021). This seems to draw a seemingly palpable cultural trait of Asian cultures, i.e., saving face from perceived shame and stigma (Bedford and Hwang 2003; Ho 1976; Hu 1944; Qi 2011, 2017; Wong and Tsai 2007). There is a stigma that surrounds loneliness, and most Asians are embarrassed to declare that they are lonely and are slow to seek help (Chan et al. 2023). In Singapore, negative thoughts may discourage young and old from acknowledging or talking about these feelings of loneliness and sadness (Tan 2018). They might portray a happy front on the surface yet feel isolated and alone deep down inside (Tan 2018), and to them, it is just how things used to be (Kuek 2023). From an interpersonal perspective, Asian men, in general, may be socialized to be less expressive, choosing to shoulder burdens in life silently. They may be less willing to seek help from others, opting instead to face their challenges alone (Kuek 2023), a pervasive cultural trait in Asia regarding men. Coming forward to seek help seems to be an interdiction (Ko 2021).

To declare loneliness to others is a human frailty worthy of shame. For many older Singaporeans, declaring feelings of loneliness may imply personal failings or poor relationships with family members or spouses. Airing one’s dirty laundry is frowned upon, so loneliness lurks in the shadows of larger public health concerns (Chan et al. 2023) because most individuals keep it within them for as long as they can.

Therefore, among Asians, we maintain an image of strength, self-reliance, self-regulation, and independence despite how challenging and depressing things can become. We are being trapped like a bird in a cage (Chan et al. 2023) and for most Singaporeans, there seems to be no easy way out. We seem to create a double consciousness (Du Bois 1908), a self of binary opposites – one showing make-believe joy as a façade while another concealing deep sadness and melancholy within our psyche. Due to a deeply rooted cultural trait of “saving and maintaining face” as a nuanced amalgam of our identity, dignity, pride, and honour (Qi 2011, 2017; Wong and Tsai 2007), we become masters of disguise and deception whereby a seemingly happy face and a strong personality deliberately obscure our vulnerability, volatility, and human weakness, which is dangerously alarming as it poses serious risks to physical and mental health. When one’s bubble is full and heavy, it surely is going to burst.

5 Methodology

We performed a thematic analysis of 30 op-ed articles from the US and Singapore (15 from the US newspapers, and 15 from Singapore newspapers). The US newspapers comprised The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and The Washington Post. Singapore newspapers, on the other hand, consisted of The Straits Times, Channel News Asia, MediaCorp, and Today. These articles appeared in the opinion columns of these online newspapers published between 2010 and 2024. Thematic analysis propelled us to capture the key insights of these articles which proved helpful in arriving at honest, sincere, and profoundly illuminating interpretations guided by the fundamental principles of semiotics (sign-object identifications by Peirce) as a hermeneutic empiricist approach to qualitative data analysis (Anderson 2014; Lindlof and Taylor 2011). We consulted each other in interpreting these signs and their possible meanings by asking each other questions more freely, going back to the qualitative data as and when necessary, and being honest with how we thought and felt about the textual data as we interpreted them in our own intellectual capacity grounded in lived experience.

5.1 Thematic analysis

Our sensemaking of textual data, i.e., descriptions about loneliness, was guided by the principles of thematic analysis. As a grounded theory methodology (Glaser and Strauss 1999), thematic analysis requires qualitative researchers to code, a process of assigning value to a foundational text of words, an interaction, description, speech, narration, or conversation (Anderson 2014). Coding invokes researchers to engage in a tedious process of reading, rereading, and explicating narrative texts so that concepts, patterns, themes, and even anomalies will come to the fore. Such concepts and themes can be broken down into subthemes, or these can be brought to a higher level of categorizing by coalescing them and creating overarching thematic concerns or splitting them up to see how subthemes can emerge. Anderson (2014) and Lindlof and Taylor (2011) called this process axial coding, in which researchers dig deep into textual data, make further categorizations of subthemes emerging from the narrative data, build connections, break down core themes into more specific and interconnected categories, find revealing patterns of thought, capture illuminating insights, and decide which major themes warrant a space in the analysis. For example, after listing down significant details, codes, or themes, one can pick three or four of these themes that are most interesting, related, or revealing so that a pattern can be noticed, or an overarching thematic concern can emerge. For instance, if we put together the themes “loneliness is a state of mind”, “loneliness is a deeply personal emotion occupying the human psyche”, and “loneliness is how one perceives it to be”, we can make a contention that loneliness resides in the mind (sign), and if individuals choose to be lonely, they can also choose not to be lonely (Cacioppo and Cacioppo 2018) and this is a deliberate choice they can always make (object). In short, loneliness resides in the mind (sign) which can grow immensely or diminish significantly depending on how the individual wants it to be (object), albeit dependent on the mental capacity of each individual to deal with this condition entangled with the freedom and will in making a choice, e.g., the choice of maintaining a positive mindset.

5.2 Hermeneutic interpretivism

Using thematic analysis and being constantly mindful of the fundamental elements of semiotic interpretation, the themes and patterns emerging from descriptions regarding loneliness helped us capture signs and symbols of loneliness (ideas that stand for something bigger), and the objects that they signify (their possible interpretations), with the three of us, the readers, researchers, and writers of this study, acting as interpretants of these sign-object relations (Peirce 1955). We are different individuals, but we were one with the texts in this interpretive journey. Despite our differences, we shared a common understanding. Despite our divergent ideas and beliefs about the topic in question (loneliness) and the world around us, we became the collective and holistic understanding that we have of this sign-object relation, and this understanding is captured both in our minds and the reader of this text right now interacting with us (insofar as understanding is happening within the cognitive capacity of the readers and their awareness of topic and context).

This method of sensemaking is hugely influenced by hermeneutic interpretivism or hermeneutic empiricism (Anderson 2014). Concerning the meaning of interpretation, hermeneutic interpretivism places value, validity, and bearing on the implications for symbolic human existence (Anderson 2014), and it treats interpretation in the context of fundamental philosophical questions about being and knowing, lived experience, symbols and their social meanings, and practical life (George 2020). As researchers of this study actively engaged in hermeneutic interpretation, our different selves, personalities, and idiosyncrasies gradually faded in the process, and our shared understanding of loneliness as a concept as depicted in written texts, along with our aesthetic yet grounded experience about the world in which we live and our interaction with others, came to the fore. As Ricoeur (1974) posited, hermeneutic interpretation makes apparent the plurality of meanings in a speech act or written text. It warrants deciphering the hidden meanings in the apparent meanings, in unpacking layers of meanings implied in the literal meanings so that a common understanding will come to the fore. Thus, through hermeneutic interpretivism, some meanings that are viewed as common, repressed, biased, or distorted can surface, and these sanction interpretivist researchers to pursue a more nuanced interpretation (George 2020) with a focus on the act of interpretation as their personalities dwindle. We achieved this through undertaking the role of an interpretant with focused attention on the signs and symbols evident in the descriptions of loneliness (captured in newspaper articles) as the subject of our hermeneutic interpretation allowing us to craft a horizon, a viewpoint, a nuanced understanding, a shared meaning and a new relationship in the lifeworld in juxtaposition to the authors’ descriptions on loneliness as a deep, melancholic human emotion.

5.3 Research questions

In this study, we attempted to answer the following research questions:

  1. What signs do descriptive accounts about loneliness signify, and what objects do these significations suggest?

  2. How do these sign-object relations accomplish awareness and understanding of loneliness as a deep and complex human emotion?

6 Results and discussion

Our sensemaking (intersubjective mediation and interpretation by signs) as a hermeneutic interpretivist approach aided by thematic analysis and constant interrogation of our interpretations has led to illuminating themes about loneliness. Two main themes emerged as signs (ideas that stand for something bigger) with their corresponding objects (possible interpretations). These signs include the following: (1) loneliness is the outcome of a rapid decline (or absence) of deep, meaningful human connection, and (2) loneliness made overt is a sign of human weakness.

6.1 Loneliness is the absence of deep, meaningful human connection: the case of America

The rapid decline of deep, meaningful human connection is alarming. “… I made a critical mistake: I had largely neglected my friendships during my tenure, convincing myself that I had to focus on work,” told US Surgeon General Vivek Murthy (The New York Times 2023). “Even when I was physically with the people I loved, I wasn’t present – I was often checking the news and responding to messages in my inbox… I felt ashamed to reach out to friends I had ignored. I found myself increasingly lonely and isolated, and it felt as if I was the only one who felt that way” added Murthy (2023), who, upon retirement, launched practical programs in the US to help Americans deal with this invisible and insidious emotion.

“… As the digital world captures more of our imagination and time, the material world recedes and becomes less real to us… We are made to enjoy the physical presence of other human beings. We are made to enjoy rainstorms or sunshine or walks in the woods. We are made to enjoy touchable things. We cannot escape or overcome this need through technology as it goes against the grain of our deepest human needs and longings” added Tish Harrison Warren (The New York Times 2022). She argued that technology has deprived us of the immense beauty and joy of spending time with our loved ones witnessing and feeling the rain, cracking jokes with friends, or enjoying a meal together with our families with all our senses fully activated – touch, smell, taste, hearing, and sight. We spend less time noticing and interacting with this “touchable, smellable, feelable world” (Warren 2022). We seem to have lost sight of how it is to be human (Murthy 2023; Warren 2022).

Ward (2022) commented that the habit of Americans of choosing to be alone is dangerously startling and a striking departure from the past, in which technology, hectic lifestyle, and the persistent political divide have insidious roles to play. Americans rate activities as more meaningful and joyful with friends who are physically present because bodily interactions build deeper social connections producing memories that last a lifetime. However, he warned that “the sharp decline of our social lives is a worrisome development. Spending less time with friends is not a best practice by most standards, and it might contribute to other troubling social trends – isolation, worsening mental health (particularly among adolescents), rising aggressive behaviour, and violent crime” (The Washington Post 2022). A rising trend of isolationism in America worries medical and psychology experts because of its heavy mental toll on its people.

The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and The Washington Post seem to have shared this subtle, yet penetrating characteristic of loneliness gleaned from Americans, i.e., the menacing decline of deep, meaningful human connections between people – from their own families to the workplace, and other people around their networks such as their friends. Silence, detachment, and alienation are palpable. The consistent habit of isolating oneself is pervasive. Distancing oneself from the crowd is perceptible. However, despite being surrounded by a crowd of family, friends, and workmates, one might still feel lonely, isolated, and detached perhaps because no authentic and deep connection unravels in the relationship, and one can be left alone and lonesome in a big crowd. Almost everything seems to be a facade or make-believe. Relationships are superficial, and the social bond illusory.

“I am lonely” is the first sentence in Steven Petrow’s (2021) opinion article in The Washington Post (2021). “I have felt extremely lonely when I was not alone at all. There’s probably no more crushing loneliness than that experienced in a faltering relationship, which I realized during the end of my marriage” he added. Therefore, someone may be lonely but not isolated or they may be isolated but not lonely. One can definitely be lonely in a crowd (Chan et al. 2023). Loneliness, indeed, is a complex human emotion that can manifest itself in complex ways. Americans have become hugely atomized and polarized, addicted and distressed, and are a lonely crowd. They seem to need one another yet many decide to be isolated and be lonely (Kristof 2023). An “I”-focused world is inevitably a lonelier one (Hertz 2021), yet it seems that little is done in America to change this deleterious habit.

Reading and rereading the descriptions of the authors and the narratives of the characters in these descriptions in these American newspapers, we contend that seeking deep, meaningful human connections is a sign that awaits to be deciphered as it is a way for Americans to acknowledge and address loneliness becoming a threatening epidemic. Beyond the call for America’s health system to employ medical, clinical, or pharmaceutical interventions to cure the loneliness epidemic lies a simple but profound and fundamental tenet of being human: to seek, build, and maintain deep, authentic, and meaningful human connections possible through face-to-face, bodily conversations despite how mundane these conversations can be. Loneliness grows like a mammoth deep within Americans because of a plethora of reasons including the internet and advanced technology that disrupts human communication, increases work stress and societal expectations, and expands political polarisation, along with the rising capitalist and neoliberalist world that speeds up the pace of life and heightens the frustration and disappointment of American people. Therefore, loneliness, the outcome of diminishing human connections, emerged as a dominant sign in American newspapers warranting interpretation. “What does it mean? What object does this signify?” were the questions that were constantly etched in our minds.

Although we recognise the possibility that loneliness and being alone could also be a choice that can be an instrument for American people to cope with it driven by such desire to isolate themselves from a chaotic world, our persistent questioning led us to arrest a fundamental concept, that is, our material body has enormous power to connect with other human beings in its most authentic way in this material world in which we live. Our bodily existence allows us to see, feel, hear, smell, and notice the present moments, the now and the embodied self, as they unfold in our physical, material existence with others around us and the world, the reality in which we perceive and live (e.g., sharing a boisterous laugh with friends and family over jokes we used to hear over dinner). Our awareness of the power of the present as we enact our sense of self about the material world, along with how we become more cognizant of our senses and sensibilities, offers the tremendous possibility of making things happen as moments unfold in the present material world in which our consciousness of our bodily existence with this world becomes more vivid, palpable, and bears so much weight regardless of the joy or longing this may bring. These moments of now allow us to arrest serendipity and spontaneity, and nothing beats the power of our materiality or bodily existence with each other in the lifeworld to enjoy this spontaneity and serendipity of life.

Our bodily existence makes us more au courant with our reality and gives us strength to resist this penchant for something that is not there (e.g., mystery, fantasy, longing, or other forms of abstraction such as thinking about unreasonable expectations, desiring what is absent in the material world, or expecting the impossible to happen). This means that to deal with loneliness is to seek inner peace and calm with the self in the material world and to appreciate that our bodily existence with the physical world has the power to build, nurture, and sustain authentic human connections and worthwhile relationships (e.g., conversations with friends, dinner with family, hanging out over coffee with your partner or spouse, walking your dog in a park or the woods, playing chess with your workmate, having a drink after work, or bathing in the river or the rain). Simple yet real and human. To Hertz (2021), this also means “rushing less and stopping to talk more, whether to a neighbour, a postal carrier, or someone who appears to be lonely. It means breaking out of our self-suffocating digital privacy bubbles and engaging with those around us, even when our default is to scroll on our phones. It means showing more gratitude to those who care for others in society and saying thank you more to our partners, our friends, our colleagues”.

It also means that to deal with loneliness is for us to realize that meaning, joy, and fulfilment can be achieved through these physical activities for which our bodies and our senses are in sync with the pleasures, beauty, and suffering of life – smelling the petrichor of the coming rain, tasting a freshly baked local bread, touching the woods and rocks in the mountains, watching children play, and hearing the sounds of hummingbirds with the cold breeze from the mountains rippling through our skin, imploring us to tread down the distant past that enlivens past suffering, longing, and pain deposited in memories. We can achieve meaning and fight loneliness by understanding that our material existence with the world offers us enormous opportunities to do simple things that matter with people we care about which have a significant impact on our mind and bodily existence. As human beings, we tend to develop a habit of ignoring what is there, what can be seen, felt, touched, smelled, and tasted – the senses that make us human (Merleau-Ponty 1968; Murthy 2023; Warren 2022). We tend to desire something else, something that is beyond our reach, or something that is viewed as possible only in our wildest imagination. This object, the power of our material body to build intimate, deeper human connections in the real and material world, is a wake-up call to start rebuilding bridges and breaking fences that continually divide us. It is our way, a simple way, to rebuild deep human connections that we somehow take for granted, a medicine hiding in plain sight (Cummins and Zaleski 2023) requiring no or relatively little costs (Kristof 2023).

In this world in which we live, our material, temporal body is the most obvious perceived thing or object; however, this constant perception might lead to automaticity of perception. As a result, our very familiar, visible body tends to disappear in our very act of perception, or what is a commonly perceived body or object vanishes in plain sight (Shlokovsky 1917; on defamiliarization). We tend to take for granted our materiality; thus, we need to remind ourselves that our body is a powerful mechanism because of its inherent connection to our mind, our consciousness, or our soul. We become mindful of the space that our body occupies because we are conscious about it (In Descartes’s words, the fusion of material and mental substance, the blending of the res extensa or body, and the res cogitans or thinking). Perhaps, Americans are losing their deep, authentic human connections because of a growing disjuncture between their material body and their consciousness of the self and the social world, a despondent outcome of an increasingly capitalist, chaotic, and divisive world. Recalibrating back to paying close attention to our bodily existence exemplified by our breath, flesh, and the warmth of our blood, along with how our emotions are situated within our bodies connected to our psyche, we can argue that our bodily being-in-the-world has so much bearing with the socially constructed reality that we are confronted with. One of these realities is how feelings of loneliness and isolation can grow immensely inside us, within which our bodily existence with the world has a huge role to play.

We cannot neglect our actual bodiliness (Merleau-Ponty 1968) because this is the starting point of a reflective mind or lived consciousness. We should not marginalise the human body as “a mere abode of the mind but, on the contrary, the higher functions, including thought itself, should still be regarded as bodily functions referring not only to the human brain or the mind but to the whole body in its relational being-in-the-world” (Merleau-Ponty 1968) (italics ours for emphasis). To ignore the fundamental function of the human body in a fast-paced, capitalist, chaotic, and polarised society, and how our bodies have an inherent and profound link to our deeper consciousness and our moral decisions, is to succumb to the rising incidence of isolation, detachment, and loneliness that we are facing. As this continues, loneliness will become a widespread epidemic with unbearable fatal consequences to the human condition.

6.2 Loneliness made overt is a sign of human weakness: the case of Singapore

In Asian cultures, it seems difficult to openly talk about loneliness. In a culture that puts enormous efforts into celebrations, family gatherings, close-knit relations, rituals, and collectivism, some might portray a happy front on the surface, yet feel isolated, alone, and lonely deep inside (Tan 2018). In Singapore, young adults and the elderly might find it generally more acceptable to verbalize physical pains and illnesses, but it seems a taboo to confess some sense of sadness or loneliness deep inside them because this can be perceived as a moral failing, a lack of resilience, or not being able to live a fulfilling life (Ko 2021). In particular, elderly men in Singapore may feel the need to present a strong, stoical front, disengage from social interactions, express fewer emotions, and avoid seeking emotional or psychological help even if help is more than necessary (Ko 2021). This dangerous shift in emotions is evident yet remains hugely concealed leading to a development of a heightened sense of fear of their bleak and lonely future. They see themselves as a burden to their family which often escalates to existential concerns in which they question the meaning and purpose of continuing to live (Ko 2021).

From an interpersonal perspective, men may be socialized to be less expressive, choosing to shoulder burdens in life silently. They may be less willing to seek help from others, opting instead to face their challenges alone (Kuek 2023), a cultural trait that is palpable among Asian men as it seems to be ingrained since childhood. This could be because of the highly entrenched value of “face” that Asians espouse. Asians would tend to give “face”. Prestige, honour, status, dignity, and authority are all attributes to give to others, and also to be given by others (Yabuuchi 2004). Thus, they would also want to “save face”, which is to keep, at least the façade of it, the honour, status, dignity and authority that have been given to them. Thus, they try all means to save themselves from embarrassment or humiliation from a loss of “face’”, by not revealing anything about themselves that could be perceived as a weakness or flaw by others. Seeking help from others would be considered as a “loss of face”, and thus avoided at all costs.

“… Admitting that one is lonely can be uncomfortable for many people,” said Chan et al. (2023). “I’ve always cared about my family. Why is it that when I am older, no one seems to care about my matters? No one seems to ask if I’m okay, but I keep it within me [italics ours for emphasis],” Madam Khadija shared (as cited in Chan et al. 2023). She only dared to ask this question in front of Chan and her colleagues during a closed-door interview in 2023, but not once did she ask her son and grandson such a penetrating and disturbing question. All she showed was silence, albeit her facial expressions would manifest sadness and sorrow that, at most times, her family would ignore. “Even though we are physically present, we are not connecting with each other. If I talk to them, they will ignore me,” added Madam Lau, another research participant (as cited in Chan et al. 2023).

In most Asian societies, a heightened emphasis is placed on being self-reliant, self-sufficient, morally strong, and independent, making it difficult for individuals to acknowledge and show their vulnerability more openly such as feelings of loneliness, and reach out for support. Many Singaporeans are distressed due to ageing, unemployment, and lack of social and family support but are not coming forward to seek help. They appear to hunker down because of the stigma and stereotypes associated with loneliness such as being weak, a burden to one’s family, or not being able to live a fulfilled life. To them, it is better to be silent about this disturbing loneliness than to be viewed as weak such that interpersonal, social, governmental, and medical interventions need to be implemented to rescue a life albeit keeping mum about one’s disturbing emotions such as feeling lonely could also be viewed as a strength considering that one has to endure such feelings of loneliness deep within, away from the prying eyes of the crowd.

While loneliness is often characterised as an issue among the elderly, recent research increasingly demonstrated that young people in Singapore are not immune to it either (Lau 2024). In a report by the Institute of Policy Studies (IPS 2024), young Singaporeans are more likely to divulge higher levels of isolation, detachment, and loneliness perhaps due to the rise of social media, the internet, and smartphones. However, IPS (2024) warned that more than half of young Singaporeans aged 21–34 would feel anxious about talking to other people in person about this seemingly perceptible isolationist behaviour, and the way forward is to communicate it online anonymously perhaps due to the fear of being identified; therefore, to be anonymous is a face-saving mechanism allowing them to avoid shame. To make loneliness and sorrow apparent in their action, facial expressions, and speech seems to create a perception that they are feeble; therefore, young people consciously develop the habit of concealing loneliness in many ways such as being silent, not giving attention and time to talk about it in the open, or segueing the focus only on the good things. “We just let it pass,” said one participant in Chan et al.’s interview (2023). “I often find myself only choosing to reveal the brighter and more positive sides of my life, while hiding the darker and more troubling issues, believing that I needed to work through them myself as it was just how things are”, added Jonathan Kuek (2023). “It is just the way things are” seems to be a worrying phenomenon that young Singaporeans seem to accept as their reality.

Shifting priorities of the modern world have brought a huge impact on the way young people view life and the world which cripple their social and interpersonal connections. As Chew said, “When you talk to the youths, they almost have checkboxes these days before they can consider marriage and parenthood. And these checkboxes are nearly all material in nature – they want a comfortable life, they want a good job, they want the ability to have a home – and then marriage comes next” (as cited in Lau 2024). The result is dangerously alarming – these young people would rather live in isolation which breeds anxiety and loneliness due to their materialist priorities that significantly diminish deeper, meaningful human connections. Feelings are suppressed as they are perceived to be hindrances to attaining goals that lead to tangible, material rewards.

To attempt to talk to someone about one’s struggles such as feelings of loneliness or deeper, melancholic sadness is still shrouded in taboo, and disclosing it may convey weakness and invite judgment, which at times, is a biased and ungrounded judgment. “For a lot of older Singaporeans, doing so may imply personal failings or poor relationships with family members or spouses. Further, airing one’s dirty laundry is frowned upon…” (Chan et al. 2023). Sustaining such heavy and disturbing emotion deep inside is being “trapped like a bird in a cage” yet seeking help seems to be a taboo to many (Chan et al. 2023). The elderly in Singapore may not be as familiar with mental health issues such as loneliness as younger folks, and to them, keeping their emotional suffering to themselves is a normal part of ageing. However, their main concern is not wanting to feel like a burden to their family and friends; therefore, they would rather keep their feelings of sadness within them as long as they can. Despite the insurmountable emotional pain, they remain quiet because to explicitly declare that they are lonely is to succumb to weakness, vulnerability, and human frailty.

Both the elderly and young Singaporeans somehow share this inherent cultural attitude: to not declare one’s suffering, to keep it as long as they can contain it, and just carry on with life because it is just the way things are. This seems to be a mantra that they share, and that is to quietly endure grieving circumstances and suffering despite how heavy its toll is on mental health. Therefore, confiding loneliness to others is a symbol of human weakness, and this emerges as a sign that warrants scrutiny. Why do Singaporeans, old and young, feel and think that it is human frailty and utter feebleness to tell others that they are lonely, sad, or desolate? Why is it difficult on their part to disclose their feeling of loneliness to others? Why is it hard to liberally show their volatility and vulnerability to others? If this were a sign, what meaning does it suggest?

In our collective ruminations, one concept came to the fore: in Asian cultures such as Singapore, we have been conditioned by our family and society at large to be strong, to man up, to be self-reliant, self-sufficient, and independent. In our sad and weak moments, we should not lose vigour. In our suffering, we should not falter. In our sorrow, grief, and pain, we should not break down. However, going deeper into this phenomenon allowed us to salvage a more frightening idea, an object that is worth practical deliberation among Asian cultures. We contend that this sign of confiding loneliness to others illustrating human weakness signifies something more sinister, that is, living a life of facade, living a life of disguise and deception to save one’s face, or living a life of pretence such that, as Asians, we project an image of strength although deep inside we are broken. We project an image of happiness (e.g., smiling faces, laughter, giggles) although deep within us lurk melancholy, desolation, and suffering that consume our very humanity. What, then, do these all suggest? What object do these all signify? Further interpretation led us to draw into the role of binary oppositions in living one’s life in an Asian culture, yet also simultaneously embroiled in an inner force that is double consciousness.

Reading and rereading those opinion articles allowed us to arrest a possible interpretation as to why many Singaporeans do not divulge loneliness which has bearing on who they are as a people and a community, that is, they tend to create a binary self (Elbow 1993), to frame their lives in terms of binary structures, of which they are ensnared into dichotomies that help explain who and what they are; however, they seem to only show the positive side of these dichotomies and hide those negative aspects on the opposite side of the pole. There is seemingly growing evidence that Singaporeans or Asians, in general, tend to portray a happy and content life by way of choosing what to project on social media or during interpersonal interactions, although deep within us are human beings that are volatile, disturbed, broken, sad, and lonely. As Asians, we tend to pursue trains of thought that constitute suffering, pain, and loneliness through dialogue with our inner self as audience. We find good reason to cultivate private, desert-island discourse on our loneliness, and become innovative in concealing this emotion from social exposure to avoid outright critique from the public. We tend to be less social for bringing more of our own mental amalgam to the colloquy (Elbow 1993) only for our own consumption with our inner self as the listener protected against public scrutiny.

It is difficult for human reason to grasp this phenomenon of our binary self, yet this is the closest we can arrive at deeper knowledge: to hold in mind this binary self (Elbow 1993) of concealing loneliness yet revealing make-believe happiness that is irreconcilable but one that explains our reality, context, and truth. As excruciatingly paradoxical as it is, this seems to be the closest explanation we can provide for both the elderly and young people of Singapore. Perhaps this is what they have in mind; they could not just put it into words. Perhaps our explanations of loneliness on these pages derive an understanding that both old and young Singaporeans can resonate with. Perhaps all these lead us back to the concept of “face”.

Saving “face” from perceived shame and stigma seems to draw a seemingly palpable and deeply ingrained cultural trait of Asian cultures (Bedford and Hwang 2003; Ho 1976; Hu 1944; Qi 2011, 2017; Wong and Tsai 2007). A stigma surrounds loneliness, and most Singaporeans are embarrassed to declare that they are lonely and are resistant to seeking help (Chan et al. 2023). Negative thoughts may discourage young and old from acknowledging or talking about these feelings of loneliness and sadness and doing so makes them tough (Tan 2018). They would rather portray a happy front on the surface yet feel isolated and alone deep down inside (Tan 2018), and to them, it is just how things used to be (Kuek 2023). This deeply rooted cultural trait of “saving and maintaining face” as a nuanced amalgam of their identity, dignity, pride, and honour (Qi 2011, 2017; Wong and Tsai 2007) has made them masters of disguise and deception whereby a seemingly happy face and a strong personality deliberately obscure their vulnerability, volatility, and human frailty.

Digging deeper, this binary self of living one’s life in an Asian culture that tends to conceal negative emotions (e.g., loneliness) and reveal positive emotions (e.g., happiness) driven by the concept of “face” can further be explained through the concept of double consciousness within which the binary self is simultaneously entangled. In the early 1900s, W. E. B. Du Bois defined double consciousness as the struggle faced by African Americans to remain true to black culture while at the same time adjusting and adapting to the dominant American society. Du Bois (1908) writes, “It is a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness… one ever feels his two-ness, an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two un-reconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body”. This concept of double consciousness enables black Americans to see their double identities, in this case, the African self and the American self, culminating in a cohesive whole in an American society of widespread racism, oppression, and marginalization.

However, double consciousness is no longer limited to the lives of black Americans. Drastic changes in the past century have led scholars to question and expand the meaning of double consciousness as gleaned from peoples of different races, cultures, and traditions with unique circumstances and struggles. For instance, many ethnic Americans experience this rupture in consciousness while attempting to merge their specific traditions and beliefs with the values of the dominant White society and other societies within which they are immersing themselves. Double consciousness has evolved into a sensation and a space where other people of colour can feel, see, or view who they are and the reasons for their existence in the world. Double consciousness has transcended race, gender, time, space, and cultural understanding such that it can enable us to recreate its meaning unique to our circumstances yet echo the same principles of logic and thinking in terms of viewing who we are in relation to others.

Singapore, as an increasingly intercultural, multicultural, multinational, and multireligious country has ushered in unity and harmony in diversity, but at the same time, this melting pot of races, ethnicities, and cultures somehow fostered the increasing divide between foreign cultures and uniquely Singaporean traditions that are pitting with each other and forces its people to hunker down, to not air their dirty laundry out in the open, to hide its gaping hole, and to disguise loneliness and longing by masking it with a cheerful facade. Singapore’s economic prosperity and apparent affluence may project an assumption that the people are successful and are doing well, a seemingly masculine view of success. Masculine cultures perpetuate such narrow definitions of success where money, materialistic items, and socioeconomic dominance are prioritized (Hofstede 1980). Thus, while people may seem to own success, they may be excruciatingly lonely, yet the problem of loneliness is overlooked because they seem to look good on the exterior.

The Singaporeans’ habit of establishing a façade of happiness despite their sorrow, of concealing sadness and loneliness by deceiving others around them, is not only an apt illustration of maintaining “face” and crafting a binary self, but more importantly, it advances a new but complex and contested meaning of double consciousness (Du Bois 1908): being Singaporean and being Asian; a stronger identity on the surface, but a weaker, more vulnerable persona deep within; or a stoic personality to the front, but a soft, feeble, and broken self deep inside. This creates a fluid sense of in-betweenness of two souls, two thoughts, two un-reconciled struggles in one human body willing to be heard, to be felt, and to be free.

Singapore society continues to intensify its resolve for its citizens to place more emphasis on being resilient and successful to increase financial security and maintain the status quo such as achieving the 5 Cs: cash, credit card, condo, car, and career – a testament to how Singaporeans continue to yearn to achieve this societal validation as a measure of a fulfilled, content, happy life. However, this brings an alarming reality because it becomes a strong impediment for both young and old Singaporeans to let a weaker, more vulnerable, and broken self out in the open. Why? Perhaps because Singapore society favours the bold, the ambitious, the resilient, and the audacious self. Singaporeans would rather show a make-believe self of strength, success, and power to deceive others around them than expose feelings of loneliness, suffering, detachment, and isolation. The former seems to be the norm, the latter a prohibition. Singaporeans not disclosing feelings of loneliness and vulnerability represents an unfortunate paradox of life and galvanizes the binary existence of the self. Singaporeans not disclosing feelings of loneliness and vulnerability encapsulates the phenomenon of double consciousness that presents a disturbingly unfortunate irony: Singaporeans must ignore loneliness in order to thrive, to live, and to carry on with life, but with dangerously alarming and lethal consequences particularly to mental health.

7 Theoretical implications

To decipher the signs of loneliness and the objects they signify is no easy feat. It is even more difficult when this signification and meaning making is conducted by totally different researchers who bring with them their own personalities, biases, and volition in the process of interpretation. Nonetheless, with hermeneutics, the researchers’ personalities and preponderances faded into the shadow while honest and collective interpretation came to the fore along with their grounded experience.

One theoretical implication that can be drawn from this study constitutes how culture shapes our thinking about loneliness, and how semiotics, in the context of this study, allowed us to understand how loneliness is perceived in two different cultures. Semiotics reveals how American culture affords readers a simple yet fundamental way of dealing with loneliness: through sustaining deep, meaningful human connections with our families and friends and those people we hold dear. American culture places importance on daily activities within which people are engaged in bodily contact in which they can feel each other’s warmth of breath, touch each other’s skin, share meaningful conversations, and look each other in the eye. The interplay of the lived body and the lived mind (Merleau-Ponty 1968) has so much bearing on how we can build and sustain deep, meaningful connections and fight loneliness.

On the other hand, Singapore culture summons a wake-up call for people to embrace vulnerability, confront their weaknesses head-on, and let them out in the open with their close friends and families rather than conceal them because of the danger they pose to their mental health. A person whose inner bubble is full can burst at any time posing a threat to their mental well-being. Singaporeans, or Asians as a whole, must strive to change the culture of hiding volatile and difficult emotions that are debilitating to mental health. Semiotics thereby illustrates how Singaporeans can overcome their embodied binary self (Elbow 1993) or double identity (Du Bois 1908) by navigating a third space of their cultural identity, a space that forces them to overcome the stigma or shame of disclosing their vulnerability or human frailty so that they can make amends to the duality of their identities and acknowledge that they can exist in this space of in-betweenness. Such is a third space that allows them to be free of the dichotomy of the self by accepting the fluidity of the self, of who they are and what they want to be. This acceptance warrants that Singaporeans cultivate a culture of kindness and understanding of the self and the human condition, not critical judgment. This acceptance also summons Singaporeans to value slowing down with life, revisit priorities, and remind themselves about what really matters. Perhaps, what matters are physical activities that allow them to feel each other’s breath, and touch each other’s skin while having fun with nature (the rain, parks, and hills) as a way of balancing a manic lifestyle.

Why does it matter that young and old Singaporeans embrace their weakness in the human spirit to deal with loneliness and other mental health problems? Why does it matter that they recognize loneliness as human frailty and discuss it with no holds barred with people around them? Why does it matter that they acknowledge and embrace this vulnerability in a modern, capitalist, and chaotic world? We believe the answer is fundamentally inherent in human consciousness and material existence with the world: to be honest with oneself, which is one step forward in embracing one’s imperfections. Doing this allows them to unload the emotional burden they have been carrying for a long time. There is nothing wrong with embracing vulnerability and volatility because it allows individuals to be fully human instead of being compartmentalized and fragmented. What is dangerously alarming is when Singaporeans are succumbing to self-harm or suicide because of heavy emotional and psychological baggage they can no longer bear.

8 Practical implications

In Singapore’s public places and spaces such as public parks or public transport, we do not seem to cross each other’s boundaries, and in return, an expectation emerges for others to do the same. No one attempts to start a conversation with you on the train, on the bus, or in public parks. Similarly, in universities, no student would attempt to start a small talk with another student in a hall or the bus stop simply because they are both strangers to each other. No one attempts to bother each other in a cafe, canteen, library, or public areas around the university unless students are friends or classmates, and if they are, they would usually congregate as an in-group. University spaces and public parks are cleverly designed by its management and the Singapore government as communal spaces for people to interact, know each other, bond, and build relationships yet what is palpable in these spaces is a pretense of a community, sharing nothing beyond their immediate façade, not allowing anyone to invade their private spaces (Zheng Guanheng, personal communication, November 2024). On the train or the bus, you cannot seem to start a conversation with a fellow passenger despite close bodily contact. In public parks, the mantra is “Mind your own business”. It seems that we have perfected the art of attending to our own business and ignoring others around us until it has become no more than a reflex, until it has become a status quo until it has become a norm that renders itself difficult to bend. Everyone seems to be operating in their little bubble, and no one seems to invade that little bubble of solitude. Everyone seems to ignore the rest of the world. Everyone seems to have perfected the habit of nonchalance.

What if this community of silence keeps growing? What if in this inflated silence lies loneliness that is swelling within people – in our neighbours, our friends, our families, and these people we see in parks, tussling for seats on the train and bus, or scrimmaging for spaces in the school library? What if the binary self keeps foregrounding the self of pretence and facade and keeps concealing loneliness deep within? Why do we choose to actively isolate ourselves despite the enormous opportunity to socialize? Is it a mere social construct or are there motivations more intrinsic to our solitude and isolationist goals? Isolation and solitude are a conscious choice we undertake, and so, too, social interaction. However, striving for a solitary life, we have somehow perfected the habit of silence. This inner desire to isolate ourselves grows even bigger in which we are dissecting the public into our private spaces that only we can access and have control (Zheng Guanheng, personal communication, November 2024). What if we become addicted to it? What if it is pushing us into the abyss of melancholy and loneliness and going back to the social world seems to be arduous? What if in our constant desire for solitude and silence, any hope for deep, meaningful social interaction becomes futile, and nonchalance persists over care and concern for others who may be struggling with loneliness and other pressing mental health issues?

In a society that seems to worship solitude and isolation, is it a shame to go out and find a stranger to talk to in the park? Is it a shame to attempt to talk to a stranger on a train? Is it a shame to bother to help a homeless and lonely person drenched in the heavy rain? We would fail as a society in case this situation of “dissecting-the-public-into-our-private-spaces-only-ourselves-can-access” inflates into an addiction. Thus, does it pain you to start a conversation with a stranger on the train and turn that into a real friendship? Does it pain you to cultivate deep social connections with other people in this increasingly capitalistic modern society? Does it make us less of a person if we do so? Perhaps the main enemy is not this increasingly capitalistic, neoliberalist, and divisive world in which we live. Perhaps the real enemy resides deep within us.

9 Conclusions

Semiotics, the intersubjective mediation by signs, propels us to decipher the signs and objects of loneliness gleaned from op-ed articles about loneliness published in the US and Singapore newspapers. Two signs emerged from our interpretation and meaning making: (1) in the US, loneliness exists due to the rapid deterioration of deep and meaningful human connections, and (2) in Singapore, loneliness that is made overt is a sign of human weakness. To make sense of the first sign, we surmise that our material body has enormous power to connect with other human beings in the physical world in which we live. Fundamentally realizing the power of our lived body and our lived mind (Merleau-Ponty 1968) can allow us to sustain meaningful human connections that matter to our mental health, our sense of self, and our sense of purpose. To interpret the second sign, we argue that Singaporeans in general tend to create a binary self (Elbow 1993) of which they are ensnared into a double identity (Du Bois 1908) that somehow explains who they are. However, this rise of embodying a double identity or a binary self in the Asian context seems to conceal difficult, heavy, and pervasive emotions such as loneliness bringing a debilitating impact on mental health. Embracing one’s weaknesses and vulnerability is the way to go for Singaporeans to be able to manage and overcome loneliness and other serious mental health issues. To be honest with one’s emotions is to emancipate the mind and the human spirit.


Corresponding author: Nimrod L. Delante, School of Humanities, Nanyang Technological University, 50 Nanyang Avenue, 226001, Singapore, Singapore, E-mail:

About the authors

Nimrod L. Delante

Nimrod L. Delante, PhD is a Lecturer at the Language and Communication Centre, School of Humanities, Nanyang Technological University Singapore. His research interests include semiotics, rhetoric, phenomenology, and human behaviour. Nimrod is a deeply reflective teacher and writer.

Esther Soo Wansing

Esther Soo Wansing is a Lecturer at the Language and Communication Centre, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. She teaches undergraduate courses such as interdisciplinary inquiry and writing, as well as engineering communication. Her current research interests include semiotics, presentation skills, critical thinking skills, and pedagogical approaches in the classroom using generative AI.

Audrey Toh Lin Lin

Audrey Toh Lin Lin is a Lecturer at the Language and Communication Centre, Nanyang Technological University Singapore. She has taught business communication and academic writing in Singapore’s polytechnics and universities. Her current research interests include critical discourse analysis – systemic functional grammar, semiotics, the scholarship of teaching and learning about writing, students’ research questions, critical thinking, and the use of generative AI in teaching and learning.

References

Allen, Graham. 2003. Roland Barthes. London: Routledge.10.4324/9780203634424Suche in Google Scholar

American Psychological Association. 2018. Loneliness. In APA dictionary of psychology. https://dictionary.apa.org/loneliness (accessed 7 November 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Anderson, James Arthur. 2014. Thinking qualitatively: Hermeneutics in science. In Don W. Stacks & Michael B. Salwen (eds.), An integrated approach to communication theory and research, 54–72. New York: Routledge.Suche in Google Scholar

Atkin, Albert. 2010. Peirce’s theory of signs. In Edward N. Zalta (ed.), Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/peirce-semiotics/ (accessed 7 November 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Barthes, Roland. 2004. Introduction to the structural analysis of narratives. In Ralph Cohen (ed.), Narrative theory: Critical concepts in literary and cultural studies, 65–116. Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Bedford, Olwen & Kwang-Kuo Hwang. 2003. Guilt and shame in Chinese culture: A cross-cultural framework from the perspective of morality and identity. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 33(2). 127–144. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-5914.00210.Suche in Google Scholar

Birditt, Kira S., Jasmine A. Manalel, Heidi Sommers, Gloria Luong & Karen L. Fingerman. 2019. Better off alone: Daily solitude is associated with lower negative affect in more conflictual social networks. The Gerontologist 59(6). 1152–1161. https://doi.org/10.1093/geront/gny060.Suche in Google Scholar

Cacioppo, John T. & Stephanie Cacioppo. 2018. The growing problem of loneliness. The Lancet 391(10119). 426. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(18)30142-9.Suche in Google Scholar

Chan, Angelique, Rahul Malhotra & Ad Maulod. 2023, July 11. Commentary: Loneliness is an overlooked public health challenge in ageing Singapore. Channel News Asia. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/senior-loneliness-mortality-risk-ageing-public-health-crisis-3615171 (accessed 12 August 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Cheeta, Survjit, Joseph Beevers, Sophie Chambers, Andre Szameitat & Chris Chandler. 2021. Seeing sadness: Comorbid effects of loneliness and depression on emotional face processing. Brain and Behavior 11(7). e02189. https://doi.org/10.1002/brb3.2189.Suche in Google Scholar

Craig, Robert T. 1999. Communication theory as a field. Communication Theory 9(2). 119–161. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2885.1999.tb00355.x.Suche in Google Scholar

Cummins, Eleanor & Andrew Zaleski. 2023, July 14. If loneliness is an epidemic, how do we treat it? The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/14/opinion/treating-loneliness.html (accessed 4 May 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt. 1908. The souls of black folk. New York: A. C. McClurg & Co.Suche in Google Scholar

Elbow, Peter. 1993. The uses of binary thinking. Journal of Advanced Composition 13(1). 51–78. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20865892.Suche in Google Scholar

Felluga, Dino. 2015. Critical theory: The key concepts. London: Routledge.10.4324/9781315718873Suche in Google Scholar

Gastonguay, Paul R. 1972. Loneliness. In the crowd. The American Biology Teacher 34(8). 456–458. https://doi.org/10.2307/4444083.Suche in Google Scholar

George, Theodore. 2020. The responsibility to understand: Hermeneutical contours of ethical life. Edinburgh University Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctv136c4mc (accessed 9 May 2024).10.3366/edinburgh/9781474467636.001.0001Suche in Google Scholar

Glaser, Barney & Anselm Strauss. 1999. Discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. New York: Routledge.Suche in Google Scholar

Hawkley, Louise C. & John T. Cacioppo. 2010. Loneliness matters: A theoretical and empirical review of consequences and mechanisms. Annals of Behavioural Medicine 40(2). 218–227. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12160-010-9210-8.Suche in Google Scholar

Hawkley, Louise C. & Masha Kocherginsky. 2018. Transitions in loneliness among older adults: A 5-year follow-up in the national social life, health, and aging project. Research on Aging 40(4). 365–387. https://doi.org/10.1177/0164027517698965.Suche in Google Scholar

Hertz, Noreena. 2021, July 11. Op-ed: We’re in the midst of a global loneliness crisis: Here’s how we can end it. Los Angeles Times. https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2021-07-11/lonely-century-global-crisis-loneliness (accessed 14 May 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Ho, David Yau-fai. 1976. On the concept of face. American Journal of Sociology 81(4). 867–884. https://doi.org/10.1086/226145. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2777600.Suche in Google Scholar

Hofstede, Geertz. 1980. Culture and organizations. International Studies of Management & Organization 10(4). 15–41. https://doi.org/10.1080/00208825.1980.11656300.Suche in Google Scholar

Holt-Lunstad, Julianne, Timothy B. Smith, Mark Baker, Tyler Harris & David Stephenson. 2015. Loneliness and social isolation as risk factors for mortality: A meta-analytic review. Perspectives on Psychological Science 10(2). 227–237. https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691614568352.Suche in Google Scholar

Hu, Hsien Chin. 1944. The Chinese concepts of “face”. American Anthropologist 46(1). 45–64. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1944.46.1.02a00040.Suche in Google Scholar

Johnson, Mark. 2017. Embodied mind, meaning, and reason: How our bodies give rise to understanding. Illinois: University of Chicago Press.10.7208/chicago/9780226500393.001.0001Suche in Google Scholar

Ko, Helen. 2021, July 27. Commentary: Heeding cries for help – getting to the heart of elderly suicides requires more than counselling. Channel News Asia. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/elderly-suicide-cries-help-helpline-support-2077891 (accessed 2 November 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Kristof, Nicholas. 2023, September 6. We know the cure for loneliness: So why do we suffer? The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/06/opinion/loneliness-epidemic-solutions.html (accessed 15 May 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Kuek, Jonathan. 2023, July 12. Commentary: Is there a ‘male friendship recession’ in Singapore? Channel News Asia. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/friendships-men-women-mental-health-wellbeing-3620571 (accessed 22 October 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Lau, Deborah. 2024, January 30. Youths in Singapore more likely to report higher levels of social isolation and loneliness: IPS poll. Today. https://www.todayonline.com/singapore/youth-social-isolation-loneliness-ips-survey-2350966 (accessed 23 October 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Lin, Sng Hock & Valerie Ng. 2023, June 4. Commentary: Preparing ourselves against the phenomenon of tiredness of life in old age. Channel News Asia. https://cnalifestyle.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/ageing-tired-life-mental-health-prepare-purpose-403141.Suche in Google Scholar

Lindlof, Thomas R. & Bryan C. Taylor. 2011. Qualitative communication research methods, 3rd edn. California: Sage.Suche in Google Scholar

Lodder, Gerine M., Ron H. Scholte, Luc Goossens, Rutger C. Engels & Maaike Verhagen. 2016. Loneliness and the social monitoring system: Emotion recognition and eye gaze in a real-life conversation. British Journal of Psychology 107(1). 135–153. https://doi.org/10.1111/bjop.12131.Suche in Google Scholar

MacEvoy, Julie Paquette, Molly Stroud Weeks & Steven R. Asher. 2011. Loneliness. In Bradford Brown & Mitchell Prinstein (ed.), Encyclopedia of adolescence. Massachusetts: Academic Press.10.1016/B978-0-12-373951-3.00116-2Suche in Google Scholar

McLuhan, Marshall. 1994. Understanding media: The extensions of man. Massachusetts: MIT Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. 1968. The visible and the invisible: Followed by working notes. Illinois: Northwestern University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Murthy, Vivek H. 2023, April 30. Surgeon General: We have become a lonely nation. It’s time to fix that. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/30/opinion/loneliness-epidemic-america.html (accessed 23 May 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Peirce, Charles Sanders. 1955. Philosophical writings of Peirce. New York: Dover Publications.Suche in Google Scholar

Petrow, Steven. 2021, December 4. I’m not alone in feeling lonely. There are ways to fight loneliness. The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/how-to-cope-with-loneliness/2021/12/03/e9fc6a24-3ce7-11ec-8ee9-4f14a26749d1_story.html (accessed 24 May 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Pharies, David A. 1985. Charles S. Peirce and the linguistic sign. Philadelphia: J. Benjamins.10.1075/fos.9Suche in Google Scholar

Qi, Xiaoying. 2017. Reconstructing the concept of face in cultural sociology: In Goffman’s footsteps, following the Chinese case. Journal of Chinese Sociology 4(19). 19. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40711-017-0069-y.Suche in Google Scholar

Qi, Xiaoying. 2011. Face: A Chinese concept in a global sociology. Journal of Sociology 47(3). 279–295. https://doi.org/10.1177/1440783311407692.Suche in Google Scholar

Redmond, Sean. 2024. Lonely realities: Documenting loneliness. In The loneliness room, 97–122. Manchester: Manchester University Press.10.7765/9781526161451.00009Suche in Google Scholar

Ricoeur, Paul. 1974. The conflict of interpretations: Essays in hermeneutics. Illinois: Northwestern University Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Rokach, Ami. 2013. Loneliness updated: Recent research on loneliness and how it affects our lives. London: Routledge.10.4324/9781315873367Suche in Google Scholar

Saito, Toshiki, Kosuke Motoki, Rui Nouchi, Ryuta Kawashima & Motoaki Sugiura. 2020. Loneliness modulates automatic attention to warm and competent faces: Preliminary evidence from an eye-tracking study. Frontiers in Psychology 10(2020). 29–67. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.02967.Suche in Google Scholar

Sepalla, Emma. 2014, May 8. Connectedness and health: The science of social connection. Stanford Medicine. https://ccare.stanford.edu/uncategorized/connectedness-health-the-science-of-social-connection-infographic/ (accessed 1 June 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Shlokovsky, Viktor. 1917. Art as technique. https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/english/currentstudents/undergraduate/modules/fulllist/first/en122/lecturelist-2015-16-2/shklovsky.pdf (accessed 12 October 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Tan, Tina. 2018, February 7. Commentary: Chinese New Year brings stress, loneliness, and sorrow to some seniors. Channel News Asia. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/chinese-new-year-seniors-elderly-stress-loneliness-sorrow-family-2046211 (accessed 22 October 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Theeke, Laurie, Roger D. Carpenter, Jennifer Mallow & Elliott Theeke. 2019. Gender differences in loneliness, anger, depression, self-management ability and biomarkers of chronic illness in chronically ill mid-life adults in Appalachia. Applied Nursing Research 45(2019). 55–62. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apnr.2018.12.001.Suche in Google Scholar

Tse, Dwight C. K., Jennifer C. Lay & Jeanne Nakamura. 2022. Autonomy matters: Experiential and individual differences in chosen and unchosen solitary activities from three experience sampling studies. Social Psychological and Personality Science 13(5). 946–956. https://doi.org/10.1177/19485506211048066.Suche in Google Scholar

Valtorta, Nicole K., Mona Kanaan, Simon Gilbody & Barbara Hanratty. 2016. Loneliness and social isolation as risk factors for coronary heart disease and stroke: Systematic review and meta-analysis of longitudinal observational studies. Heart 102(13). 1009–1016. https://doi.org/10.1136/heartjnl-2015-308790.Suche in Google Scholar

Ward, Bryce. 2022, November 3. Opinion: Americans are choosing to be alone: Here’s why we should reverse that. The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/11/23/americans-alone-thanksgiving-friends/ (accessed 2 June 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Warren, Tish Harrison. 2022, May 1. We’re in a loneliness crisis: Another reason to get off our phones. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/01/opinion/loneliness-connectedness-technology.html (accessed 18 May 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Wong, Ying & Jeanne Tsai. 2007. Cultural models of shame and guilt. In Jessica L. Tracy, Richard W. Robins & June Price Tangney (eds.), The self-conscious emotions: Theory and research, 209–223. New York: Guildford Press.Suche in Google Scholar

Yabuuchi, Akio. 2004. Face in Chinese, Japanese, and US American cultures. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 14(2). 261–297. https://doi.org/10.1075/japc.14.2.05yab.Suche in Google Scholar

Yount, Michelle A. 2000. Loneliness, lack of perceived social support and the development of anger in adolescents (Publication No. 1400167) [Master’s thesis, California State University, Fullerton]. ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. (230784101). https://www.proquest.com/docview/230784101?pq-origsite=gscholar&fromopenview=true&sourcetype=Dissertations%20&%20Theses (accessed 28 May 2024).Suche in Google Scholar

Received: 2024-11-12
Accepted: 2025-01-22
Published Online: 2025-02-27
Published in Print: 2025-03-26

© 2025 the author(s), published by De Gruyter on behalf of Soochow University

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

Heruntergeladen am 16.9.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/lass-2024-0061/html
Button zum nach oben scrollen