Home One event, many narratives: (mis)representations in Nigerian political discourse
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One event, many narratives: (mis)representations in Nigerian political discourse

  • Qasim Adeyemi Aliu

    Qasim Adeyemi Aliu, PhD earned his doctoral degree from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. He is a lecturer in the School of General Studies, Nigeria Maritime University, Okerenkoko, Delta State, Nigeria. His research lies in the pragmatics and critical analysis of persuasive discourses in politics, advertising, religion, and conflict and gender issues.

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Published/Copyright: March 4, 2025

Abstract

This study examines discourse structures and strategies employed by selected Nigerian socio-political actors to reconstruct a single dramatic event that involved Nigeria’s former President Muhammadu Buhari at the Argungu Fishing Festival in Kebbi State on 12th March, 2020. The data comprise excerpts from various statements of Messrs Nnamdi Kanu, Femi Adesina, Femi Fani-Kayode, Lai Mohammed and Jamilu Gunddare, which were drawn from newspaper reports of Daily Post, Premium Times and The Cable between 12th and 13th March, 2020. Using the socio-cognitive model of critical discourse analysis as a guide, the qualitative analysis revealed that different discourse structures and strategies in the texts formed three broad themes: verbal attacks, crisis management and exposé. While Kanu deployed metaphor, dysphemism and number game to portray the event as an attempted arrest of Buhari’s impostor, Fani-Kayode employed exaggeration, dysphemism and positive other-representation to reconstruct it as an attempted attack. However, through euphemism, dysphemism, vagueness and disclaimers, Adesina and Mohammed describe the event as an embrace, while Gunddare used positive self-representation, legitimisation, euphemism and disclaimer to explain his supposed positive intent. The study, therefore, concludes that Nigerian socio-political actors, like their global counterparts, do not present realities in public discourse but reproduce their personal/group ideologies.

1 Introduction

Struggle for power is not only characterised by physical force, it also involves competing discourses, which (re)construct alternative realities that legitimise and promote personal or group ideologies. Political discourse is a form of communication used to secure or maintain power and control over state resources. It is ‘the construction of meaning about political practices and processes’ (Mensah et al. 2022: 1). Political discourse usually presents a polarised world where one side is described as good and the other as inherently bad. Chilton (2004) notes that political discourse implicitly or explicitly indicates distinctions between people through certain expressions such as ideologically induced lexical choices, pronouns that express solidarity or distance and the way of conceptualising world events. In other words, ideological differences result in using different labels for different social actors while their most similar actions get different descriptions. This ideological conflict manifests in different texts produced by Nigerian (socio)political actors to represent one single event that involved former President Muhammadu Buhari at the Argungu Fishing Festival in Kebbi State on 12th March, 2020. The dramatic event revolved around 30-year-old Jamilu Gunddare, who beat security officials and rushed towards the former President during a photo session. Although the young man’s actual intentions were not known at the time, some political dissidents (including Messrs Nnamdi Kanu and Femi Fani-Kayode) termed the event as an attempted arrest of or attack on Buhari, while different government spokespeople debunked the negative stories and described the event as an attempt to greet the former President.

Nnamdi Kanu, a strong critic of the Buhari Administration, is the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a secessionist group. He was arrested and is being tried for felony after provocative statements against Nigeria and its leaders in the course of his separatist agitation. Fani-Kayode, at the time of the production of his text, was a vocal member of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which lost power to Buhari’s All Progressives Congress in 2015. He was then a powerful critic of the Buhari Government. Also at this time, Mr Femi Adesina was Buhari’s Special Adviser on Media and Publicity while Lai Mohammed was Minister of Information and Culture. Jamilu Gundarre was the young man who breached protocol to move close to Buhari to cause the dramatic event.

Many linguistic studies on Nigerian political discourse have examined speeches, campaign advertisements and rally discourse of major political actors (see Ademilokun and Olateju 2016; Ademilokun and Taiwo 2013; Agbeleoba et al. 2023; Ayeomoni 2005; Enyi 2016; Mensah et al. 2022; Opeibi 2006; Taiwo 2008). But comments and criticisms authored by dissidents, which (to some extent) influence public perception of the incumbent government, have received limited attention. The Argungu Festival is usually characterised by funfair and visitors, including the-then incumbent President Buhari, who are expected to receive warm welcome from the host community. Although the Buhari administration witnessed high inflation and cases of insecurity, which provoked citizens’ bitterness and lack of leadership trust, news of his arrest or attack on him tended to cause confusion considering his status and the level of security provided around him. This study, therefore, investigates different statements of Messrs Nnamdi Kanu and Femi Fani-Kayode, the rejoinders authored by Messrs Femi Adesina and Lai Muhammed and Mr Jamilu Gunddare’s exposé of the event. This facilitates readers’ deeper understanding of ideological discourse production and comprehension; and more importantly, different social actors’ struggle to control public perception of political events.

2 Political discourse and (mis)representation

Political discourse is a kind of language used to get, keep or legitimise power. It is characterised by power struggle and relations. To Rozina and Karapetjana (2009: 113), political discourse is the language used in various political ‘situations and/or in different organisations’. Political discourse encompasses all forms of communication (such as speeches, interviews, debates, visual display) used by politicians to consolidate their power and non-politicians’ comments about politics, probably to influence public perception of politicians and government policies (Browse 2018; Wilson 2015; Fairclough and Fairclough 2012). Like other types of ideological discourse, which exhibit cognitively mediated relationship with socio-political contexts, political discourse is not neutral (Beard 2001; van Dijk 1993, 2014). That is, it conceals or misrepresents reality and could intentionally be used to deceive people.

To describe misrepresentation, we need to know what representation is. Representation means description of an event. Chilton (2004: 201) describes representation as ‘the use of language oriented to the communication of conceptualisations of “the world”’. It is an intentional construction of an idea or narration of activities of a particular event in a way that promotes an ideology. This helps social actors in shaping public perception, attitude and opinion about a particular person, group or social issue. However, Beard (2001: 17–18) argues that truth is ‘both relative and subjective’ and ‘very problematic’ as its representation is usually blurred by linguistic choices and event sequencing. In other words, based on differences in ideology, narratives can be selective reconstructions, which bypass actual reflections of events and consequently result in misrepresentation (Georgakopoulou 2011). Misrepresentation is the portrayal of unreliable or inaccurate information as truth or as representation of reality. It is truth distortion through narration or the presentation of ‘fake news in the context of truth’ to serve political purposes (Çanakpinar et al. 2024: 67). Misrepresentation is the inadequate description (giving inadequate information that serves author’s interests) through lying or strategies such as euphemisation, ‘various kinds of omissions, verbal evasion and denial’ (Chilton 2004: 46). Wilson (2003) claims that misrepresentation in political discourse can be achieved through negation (contradictions), lexical choices, metaphors and syntactic choices. Thus, forms of self-representation produced by careful linguistic choices tend to exploit ‘subjective, deeply imaginative and affectionate processes’ in order to persuade people (Georgakopoulou 2011: 202).

Furthermore, Gianes (2019: 98) submits that social actors’ personal and socio-cultural beliefs tend to affect their opinions and judgement to produce ‘radically different interpretations of the same events, statements, stories, and ideas’. He argues that commercial journalism, prevalent use of social media and audience’s personal biases in news sources’ choice have blurred established media practices of distinguishing news from opinions. The researcher identifies critical thinking, especially information source verification, as a defensive tool for unsuspecting audience. In his study of partisan misrepresentation on the United States’ Obama Care policy, Yeomans (2022) submits that misrepresentation is used to satisfy partisan goals. However, he argues that partisan misrepresentation of opponents appears not deliberate as his study reveals that misrepresentation persists even when partisans are asked to present accurate descriptions of their opponents’ opinions. Also, Paz Schmid et al. (2024) attempt identification of misrepresentation in Donald Trump’s political tweets. They identify texts quoted out of contexts to mislead the electorate and sharp rise in misrepresentation instances towards election campaigns.

3 Nigerian political discourse

Nigerian political discourse refers to the language variety used to achieve different political goals within Nigeria. Among many forms of political discourse, political speeches, political campaign advertisements and rally discourse have received greatest attention from linguistic scholars in Nigeria. Different studies on former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s speeches have revealed his frequent use of additive and contrastive coordination, dysphemisms, repetition, personal pronouns with frequent change of referents, metaphors of different sources, analogies and biblical allusions (Awonuga 2005; Taiwo 2008; Yusuf 2003). Taiwo (2008) establishes that the conscious choice of multiple referents for a pronominal is to effect imprecision and to invoke solidarity. Similarly, Adegoju’s (2014) study of person deixis in the conflict rhetoric of the June 12, 1993 major political actors (Ibrahim Babangida, Sanni Abacha and MKO Abiola) shows that the deliberate use of multiple referents for first person plural pronominal ‘we’ induces audience solidarity and/or projects self-effacement of the speaker.

Furthermore, Ayeomoni’s (2005) study of past Nigerian political leaders’ speeches reveals extensive use of loaded words, technical words, euphemisms, vagueness and ambiguity. For instance, he reports Major Kaduna Nzeogwu’s tactful allusion to many Nigeria’s geographical features in order to express national glorification and persuade Nigerians to support the then new military government. In their exploration of rhetorical features in the speeches of former Presidents Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari, Oparinde et al. (2021) discover that Nigerian politicians extensively use collective pronouns, metaphors of hope, hyperbolic expressions and repetition to manipulate their audience. Also, Enyi’s (2016) comparative pragmatic analysis of the maiden speech of former President Buhari as a military ruler and his inaugural speech as a civilian president records prevalence of assertions and promises, which respectively construct current socio-political realities and address audience’s needs in order to solicit their support. In Addition, Agbeleoba et al. (2023) examine the impacts of Bola Tinubu’s ‘Emi lokan’ strategy on the All Progressives Congress presidential primary campaign. They argue that Tinubu deployed that multifunctional statement to simultaneously promote his leadership qualities, hint the audience about a possible secret political agreement between power brokers and to assert or maintain his supremacy over potential opponents.

Nigerian political advertising and rally discourse have been characterised by deceptive use of language and marketing of candidates and parties through their images and logos (Awonusi 1996, 1998). In his study of newspaper campaign advertisements for the 1993 general elections, Awonusi reports frequent use of pun, metaphorisation of party symbols and candidates, slogans, repetition, rhetorical questions, code switching, vagueness and ambiguity. Awonusi (1998), however, notes that televised political campaign advertisements deploy more semiotic modes to allow dramatic techniques of speaker/response, multilingual songs and dancing, which easily attract audience attention and ensure retention. Similarly, Abdullahi-Idiagbon’s (2013) critical discourse study of the 2011 political campaign television advertisements of President Goodluck Jonathan reveals ideological meanings packaged into various semiotic resources, which appeal to strong emotions and move people to prescribed public actions.

Moreover, in their multimodal analysis of political rally discourse of the 2011 general elections in Nigeria’s Southwest, Ademilokun and Olateju (2016) observe that, like their global counterparts, Nigerian politicians usually appeal to visceral sentiments rather than present logical reasons for their election. Thus, at various platforms for political campaign, they employ different strategies such as coercion, insults, blackmail, fear and hate speech (Ademilokun and Taiwo 2013). Mensah et al. (2022) corroborate this in their exploration of the use of labelling as a potent persuasive strategy in Nigerian political discourse. They observe that (socio)political actors deploy labelling (uncomplimentary terms that damage the target’s personal and socio-cultural identities and values) to denigrate their opponents. Opeibi (2006: 5) dubs this strategy as ‘political macheting’ specifically aimed at de-marketing political opponents and representing them as undeserving of public support. Furthermore, Ademilokun and Olateju (2020) examine the use of multimodal resources for ideological and identity construction in the 2011 electioneering campaigns in Southwestern Nigeria. They discover visual construction of gender ideology, which foregrounds women’s spiritual power and seeks their inclusion in political affairs. They further reveal that politicians use hegemonic ideologies, such as carnivalesque and communal ideologies (indicated by dancing, gaze, pose, uniform clothing and proximity), which respectively consciously suppress political followers’ critical thinking and present politicians’ ambitions as collective goals of the people. In addition, the researchers report that cultural symbols, such as drums, clothing, political party and candidates’ symbols and colours, construct distinct identities that attract and persuade political rally participants and other viewers.

4 Methodology

Different statements of Messrs Nnamdi Kanu and Femi Fani-Kayode and the rejoinders authored by Messrs Femi Adesina, Lai Muhammed and Jamilu Gunddare constitute the primary source of data for this study. The statements represent the most vocal reactions and rejoinders on the dramatic event that occurred during the Argungu Festival. The statements are capable of representing Nigerian political discourse as they are texts authored by politicians and non-politicians to achieve political ends in Nigeria. Kanu and Fani-Kayode’s texts were retrieved from the Daily Post of 13th March, Adesina’s text was drawn from The Cable of 12th March, while Mohammed and Gunddare’s were culled from Premium Times of 13th March all in 2020. The data were thematically categorised into verbal attacks (by Kanu and Fani-Kayode), crisis management (rejoinders by Adesina and Mohammed) and Gunddare’s exposé (personal account). They were subjected to qualitative analysis using van Dijk’s (2014) socio-cognitive model of critical discourse analysis.

5 van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of critical discourse analysis

Critical discourse analysis explores manifestations of ideology, identity and power relations, such as misrepresentation in political texts. This study relies on van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model because audience manipulation – which is the goal of event misrepresentation – is better deconstructed through its mental model structure. The socio-cognitive model of critical discourse analysis claims that the relationship between discourse and society is not direct but mediated by mental representations of text producers and readers. van Dijk (2014) argues that socially shared attitudes control members’ social practices (including discourse), perception of events and people, their representation, discrimination and marginalisation. As van Dijk (2014: 5) notes, ‘[T]alking or writing about specific events, as is the case for storytelling or news reports, is based on the personal, subjective, situation models [which] language users construe of such events.’ He distinguishes between semantic event model (event description) and pragmatic context model (discourse environment, which dictates the appropriateness of discourse). In other words, discourse production and comprehension are largely influenced by the socio-culturally shared knowledge, attitudes and ideologies of the authors and readers. Thus, it is these mental models that determine the types of discourse structures to be used in a particular discourse event. The discourse structures in the toolkit of the socio-cognitive model include ideological polarisation, positive self-representation and negative other-representation, actor and action description, discourse topics (semantic macro-proposition), disclaimers, lexical variations, example, nominalisation, ambiguity and vagueness, metaphor, hyperbole, euphemism, repetition, argumentation and number game.

6 Analysis

The analysis is divided into three subsections according to the three thematic categories of the examined texts, namely, verbal attacks (by Kanu and Fani-Kayode), crisis management (through rejoinders by Adesina and Mohammed) and Gunddare’s exposé (personal account).

6.1 Verbal attacks: discrediting the Buhari government

As polarisation between social groups is inevitable in political discourse, interactions between political actors are wrought with impolite utterances and related behaviour, such as verbal aggression, labelling, name-calling and provocation. Thus, as strong critics of Buhari and his government, Kanu and Fani-Kayode seem to produce utterances that further their ideologies in the texts below.

The attempted citizen’s arrest of Jubril Al-Sudani is a welcome development. I am glad that some Hausa people are now waking up to the reality of Abba Kyari’s horror show that is Jubril Al-Sudani. I commend that young Hausa man in this video that tried to arrest the 45 year old criminal impostor from Sudan. Look at the video again and tell me the young looking boy being paraded by the evil cabal as the late Buhari is not Jubril Al-Sudani. At least, conscientious northerners can now see what we saw since 2017. Jubril’s days are numbered. (Nnamdi Kanu; Daily Post; March 13, 2020)

After former President Buhari’s recovery from a protracted illness, Mr Nnamdi Kanu had, in 2017, claimed that Buhari was dead and that he was replaced by an impostor, Jubril Alsudani. With the text under study, he intends to promote his ideology of Buhari’s identity contestation. To support his claim, he metaphorically depicts the act of impersonation as ‘Abba Kyari’s horror show’. Late Abba Kyari was Buhari’s Chief of Staff, who was influential in the government. Horror show means a frightening theatrical performance that features unnatural happenings. So, Kanu alleges that the purported replacement of Buhari was Kyari’s machination to perpetuate power. Reconstructing Buhari’s identity as Jubril Alsudani appears as a form of misrepresentation. In fact, many unsuspecting Nigerians and, as Gianes (2019) argues, people who share Kanu’s biases still believe that the real Buhari was dead. Furthermore, Kanu deploys other dysphemisms, such as ‘Jubril Al-Sudani’, ‘the 45 year old criminal impostor from Sudan’, ‘the young looking boy’ and ‘the late Buhari’ in order to discredit the former president. Also, the dysphemistic expression ‘being paraded by the evil cabal…’ suggests that the impersonation idea was planned by the influential Kyari and his group. Number game ‘45 year old’ is used strategically to emphasise the age difference between Buhari and the supposed impostor. All these form negative other-representation.

Moreover, the IPOB leader describes Jamilu Gunddare’s action against Buhari as a ‘citizen’s arrest’. This tends to denigrate Buhari and could instigate the public against his government. The portrayal of a ‘citizen’s arrest’ seems to be another form of misrepresentation especially when its ideological basis – Buhari’s identity contestation – is considered. Also, the euphemisms ‘a welcome development’ and ‘that young Hausa man’ portray the supposed action and the social actor (Gunddare) in a positive manner. In addition, describing the ethnic identity and the age of the actor, respectively, distances the text producer from the supposed action and it elevates the actor as a courageous person. Thus, Kanu tries to legitimise the purported action and his claim. However, the metaphor of waking up from sleep, coupled with the determiner some and the temporal deictic element now suggests that many Northerners were unaware of the purported Buhari’s replacement. Also, the expression ‘conscientious northerners’ implies that some are still unconscionable. This tends to demean many Northerners. The expression ‘what we saw in 2017’ is vague. What was seen, probably the purported Buhari’s impersonation, could not be determined. Also, the referent of the pronoun ‘we’ could be the entire IPOB members or all critics of the Buhari Administration probably to achieve solidarity. So, the text producer tries to assert ethno-regional supremacy in knowledge. On his part, Mr Fani Kayode describes the event as an assault as revealed in his text below.

Young man at Argungu today attempting to assault Buhari! That was a close shave. I don’t know what that young man had in mind but this is the first time that I have ever heard of a citizen wanting to ‘greet’ his President by charging at him. Must this Government lie about everything? Must they put a spin on every event? Do they think that we are fools? And by the way, if all he wanted to do was to give ‘his President a handshake’ because he was ‘very excited’ to see him then why to shoot the poor boy in the leg? (Fani Kayode; Daily Post; March 13, 2020)

Argungu Fishing Festival is a funfair and news about it is expected to be positive. But Fani-Kayode claims that former President Buhari was about to be attacked. With the dysphemisms ‘attempting to assault’ and ‘charging at him’, he portrays Gunddare’s action as a potential danger if not averted. This is intensified by the expression ‘a close shave’. Also, he deploys spatial and temporal deictic elements (coupled with the exclamation mark at the end of the sentence) to emphasise his claim. Specifically, ‘charging at him’ in this context implies that Gundarre sought to hurt Buhari because the former President had caused difficulty or annoyance due to his supposed misgovernance. Thus, Fani-Kayode suggests that the young man charged at Buhari because of the former President’s perceived misrule. Considering Fani-Kayode’s status as a strong critic of Buhari at the time of the production of this text, depiction of attack on the former President may be a misrepresentation of the event especially when his narrative is being contested by the affected social actor (Jamilu Gunddare). However, for positive self-representation, Fani-Kayode deploys apparent disclaimer ‘I don’t know what that young man had in mind but this is the first time … a citizen wanting to “greet” his president by charging him’. This strategically absolves him of possible false claim. Also, he employs number game ‘the first time’ to exaggerate the purported act as unusual. Through the expression ‘that I have ever heard…’, he tries to present himself, being an experienced public figure, as an authority to legitimise his claim. In addition, inverted commas in ‘greet’ suggest Fani-Kayode’s disbelief in Buhari media aides’ (re)construction of the event in their rejoinders to social media claims about attack on the former President at Argungu.

Moreover, through ‘us versus they’ dichotomy, Mr Fani-Kayode deploys ideological polarisation between the Nigerian Government and himself (and possibly the opposition party and Nigerians at large). For example, he uses proximal deictic element ‘this’ (‘Must this Government…’) to bring the government closer and emphasises its negative act for public condemnation. In contrast, through third-person plural pronoun, he distances government officials from us (readers, himself and probably the entire Nigerian people as in ‘Do they think that we are fools’) to provoke public outcry. He employs four consecutive rhetorical questions with respective incriminating presuppositions in order to seek audience judgement of the event. In other words, he alleges that the government had lied on some things before; had previously taken us as fools; had previously put a spin on some events; and that the boy was shot in the leg. All these try to demonise the government probably to provoke public outcry. Also, the text producer portrays an ironical situation in that excitement attracts gun shot. This tends to instigate public condemnation.

In addition, with the euphemistic expression ‘the poor boy’, Fani-Kayode deploys ‘positive other-representation’ (van Dijk 2000: 106). That is, he describes the boy as powerless probably to solicit sympathy for him and instigate further condemnation of the government. This is intensified by exaggeration ‘everything’ and ‘every event’. For further emphasis, these are complemented by repetitions of ‘must’, ‘every’ and the implied meaning of ‘lie’ – ‘put a spin’ and ‘to give “his President a handshake”’. Also, the use of inverted commas in the expression ‘to give “his President a handshake” because he was “very excited”’ further signals his disbelief in Buhari media aide’s claim.

6.2 Crisis management: laundering Buhari’s image through rejoinders

Crisis management encompasses all attempts (such as crisis communication and physical activities) to minimise risks or reduce possible damage to personal, government or business reputation after a disaster or relatively unimportant events such as the dramatic event at Argungu Festival under study (Fearn-Banks 2011; Leighton and Shelton 2008). Crisis communication is a discourse type that tries to elevate the status of a person or an organisation in order to maintain positive reputation or to control damage. Elements of crisis communication include ‘first voice’ (a proactive attempt to be the first to disseminate information about a crisis in order to suppress subsequent media stories), expressing empathy towards possible victims and fight against misinformation (Adamolekun and Ogedengbe 2020: 360). Thus, for effective public relations and crisis management, institutional communication must beat other competing stories in established media platforms. For example, Femi Adesina’s rejoinder below appeared on newspapers before any other competing texts, which were already on relatively unreliable social media.

A young man was very excited to see his President at the Argungu fishing festival. He made to walk straight to him for a handshake. Security details prevented it. Now, opposite people are passing it off as an attempt to attack the President. How malicious can some people be! (Femi Adesina; The Cable; March 12, 2020)

Jamilu Gunddare’s action was a disagreeable act of moving towards a row of guests, including former President Buhari, without permission. But many critics of Buhari had portrayed the act as a violent reaction to his perceived bad governance. So, to construct positive representation of Buhari, Femi Adesina euphemises Gunddare’s intended act as ‘very excited to see his President’ and ‘made to walk straight to him for a handshake’. That is, he tries to elevate Gunddare as a gentle man with good intention and his action as agreeable. Also, he describes him as ‘A young man’ probably to exonerate him and regard his act as one of the forgivable features of youthful exuberance. In addition, personalisation of Gunddare’s act through the use of the third-person pronoun in the expression ‘to see his President’ creates a social bond between the young man and Buhari. This tends to present Buhari as a popular leader and it tries to legitimise Gunddare’s attempt to meet the former President. Similarly, likely negative act of the security guards at the event is euphemised as ‘prevented it’. However, through vagueness of the word ‘prevent’, how the act was prevented could not be determined. Also, the pronoun ‘it’ is selected instead of ‘him’ in order to de-emphasise security guards’ actions on the young man (Gunddare). All these try to downplay the allegation that Gunddare was attacked or shot in the process of preventing him. Some of the important features of misrepresentation here are euphemism, exaggeration and vagueness. Gunddare’s action is merely described as a product of delirium, which could happen to any young person. So, Adesina’s narrative may not be the true representation of the event.

In contrast, Adesina employs dysphemisms ‘opposite people’, ‘passing it off as an attempt to attack the President’ and ‘malicious’ to denigrate opposition political figures. So, he dismisses the claim of attempted attack on the former President. That is, Adesina constructs the social actors as different from him; therefore, they are dishonest and wicked for allegedly misleading the public. Also, temporal deictic element ‘Now’ and the exclamation mark are used to emphasise the recency of the act and to express surprise at the swiftness of the opposition’s supposed negative action. In addition, exact number of people referred to by the vague determiner ‘some’ in ‘some people’ could not be determined; thus, it tends to portray the people as insignificant. Lai Mohammed’s text below presents further crisis management strategies.

From what you can see this is a gentleman who has followed the president’s political career for a long time and passionate about him. He breached protocol yesterday, there is no doubt about that. However, all the story about him trying to attack the President is false, even the story that he was shot by the security is false. (Alhaji Lai Mohammed; Premium Times; March 13, 2020.)

To manufacture consent from his audience, Lai Mohammed employs personalisation through second-person pronoun ‘you’ in the expression ‘From what you can see’. Also, the euphemism ‘this is a gentleman who has followed the president’s political career for a long time and passionate about him’ is deployed to construct positive other-representation. This creates a social bond between Gunddare and Buhari in that the young man is depicted as one of the former President’s loyalists. Thus, Buhari is indirectly described as a popular leader. Describing Gunddare as ‘a gentleman’ elevates him as a responsible man and negates any purported attack from him. Proximal indexical ‘this’ is used for the young man to emphasise his closeness to the text producer. For further intensification, this is complemented by a temporal deictic element ‘for a long time’. In other words, it implies that Gunddare actually did nothing wrong at the event. To further obfuscate his reconstruction of the event, Mohammed employs a combination of two denial strategies – apparent concession and disclaimer ‘He breached protocol yesterday… However, all the story … is false…’ In other words, the text producer admits that Gunddare did a wrong thing, but dismisses competing narratives of the event (attempted attack on Buhari and shooting Gunddare in the leg) as false. Also, the euphemism ‘breached protocol’ downplays Gunddare’s negative act. The two denial strategies together with the deployment of euphemism and exaggeration tend to reconstruct Gunddare’s action as harmless. In addition, the temporal deictic element ‘yesterday’ emphasises recency of the negative act and lends credence to the text producer’s narrative.

6.3 Exposé: Gunddare’s personal account

An exposé is a factual account that demystifies a situation or controversy. Gunddare’s breach of protocol at the Argungu Fishing Festival generated controversies; and his personal account, which represents another alternative reality, tries to shed light on the dramatic event. However, this is not immune to reconstruction or misrepresentation. His texts, below, appeared last among the competing texts and might have been influenced by several factors, including persuasion or coercion by the Buhari Government.

Yesterday was a different day for me because as a graduate of Public Administration who graduated with 2nd Class Lower, it took me a lot of courage and dreams to attempt to get to Mr President despite the fact that there was tight security architecture within the venue. I am sorry for the disturbances I caused. It was emotional love I have for Mr President the person whom I know is nurtured with integrity and honesty and he is incorruptible and right driven. (Mohammed Jamilu Gunddare; Premium Times; March 13, 2020)

Gunddare deploys positive self-representation by emphasising his educational attainment. He indirectly presents himself as an authority to legitimise his claim. His efforts to meet former President Buhari are exaggerated as ‘a lot of courage and dreams’ in order to portray his mission as an enviable act. Also, ‘beating security guards to get to Buhari’ presents an ironical situation that further heightens the portrayal of his courage. However, he employs vagueness in the adjective ‘different’ to downplay his actual feeling. It could not be determined whether he is happy or sad. Also, through the depersonalised sentence construction ‘it took me …’ and a euphemistic verb phrase ‘to get to’, he tries to mitigate his wrong doing. By these, the actor is suppressed and his mission is concealed. While the text producer partly admits his wrong act through apology, he employs vagueness, euphemism and a disclaimer in the expression ‘for the disturbances I caused’ to conceal and deny the negative act. That is, the exact form of disturbances could not be determined and the verb cause suggests that the negative act happened unintentionally. This concealment of specific aspects of the event is a feature of misrepresentation. In addition, the temporal deictic element ‘Yesterday’ is topicalised to emphasise the event time.

Furthermore, as a form of evidentiality, Gunddare uses the expression ‘It was emotional love I have for Mr President’ to legitimise his negative act. By this, he argues that he was overcome by emotion. Thus, he tends to appeal to pity. This is complemented by the use of a cognitive verb ‘know’, which suggests personal knowledge of the former President and existing social bond between them. Also, he deploys positive evaluative expression ‘nurtured with integrity and honesty and he is incorruptible and right driven’, to construct positive other-representation in order to elevate Buhari and to legitimise his action. His exposé continues below.

… Even if I died yesterday I would have been contented that I have achieved my mission to move close to Mr President and touch him one on one. You know that emotional love can divert and taint your total faculty of reasoning and that was what really happened yesterday. … Please, I am alive, the DSS did not torture me, nobody has tortured me apart from what happened at the venue when I was forced to the car. (Mohammed Jamilu Gunddare; Premium Times; March 13, 2020)

Through exaggeration, Gunddare presents his mission as a worthy act and Buhari as a popular leader. That is, he portrays ‘moving close to and touching Buhari’ as ‘my mission’, a lifetime ambition, which is worth dying for. Also, as he further argues that he is overcome by emotion, he tends to appeal to public sympathy. In addition, he tries to manufacture consent from the audience through direct address strategy by using second-person pronoun ‘you’ and ‘your’ as in ‘You know’ and ‘taint your total faculty’. However, while he denies any attack on him, he deploys a vague euphemism ‘what happened at the venue’ to downplay negative act of the security guards, and by extension, negative act of the Buhari Administration. Also, the passive construction ‘when I was forced to the car’ conceals the identity of the actor. That is, we could not determine who forced Gunddare to the car. This tends to conceal any negative act of the government against Gunddare. Thus, the exaggeration of his emotional state and concealment of some specific details about the event form a part of misrepresentation and Gunddare’s narrative could not serve as the absolute truth of the event.

7 Conclusions

This study has demonstrated that, based on different ideological interpretations, one single event – Jamilu Gunddare’s breaching of protocol to meet President Buhari during a photo session – can be described differently by socio-political actors. Various discourse structures and strategies discovered in the texts formed three broad themes: namely, verbal attacks, crisis management and exposé. Verbal attacks were used by Fani-Kayode and Kanu against President Buhari to perpetuate, respectively, partisan and secessionist ideologies; Adesina and Mohammed used crisis communication to control possible damage to Buhari’s reputation and Gunddare’s exposé tried to demystify the controversy by promoting Buhari’s virtues. While Kanu deployed metaphor, dysphemisms, number game and euphemism to portray the event as an attempted arrest of Buhari’s impostor, Jubril AlSudani; Fani-Kayode employed dysphemism, exaggeration, apparent disclaimer, legitimisation, ideological polarisation, euphemism and positive other-representation to construct it as a violent reaction against perceived Buhari’s misrule. However, in order to describe the event as an embrace, Adesina and Mohammed employed euphemism, dysphemisms, vagueness, legitimisation, positive other-representation and disclaimers; while Gunddare used positive self-representation, legitimisation (authority), euphemism, exaggeration, vagueness, disclaimer and evidentiality to explain his supposed intent to embrace Buhari.

It is clear that none of the narratives examined in this study can be established as the true representation of the dramatic event that involved Gunddare and former President Buhari. They all appear to be affected by either personal or group ideologies or political interests. This study, therefore, concludes that Nigerian socio-political actors, like their global counterparts, do not present realities but reproduce their personal/group ideologies in public discourse in order to shape public opinion and actions. This study validates Beard’s (2001) argument that there is no such thing like absolute truth and that representation of truth is usually blurred by linguistic choices and event sequencing. Also, it corroborates the argument that political discourse or language use in general is not neutral (Beard 2001; van Dijk 1993, 2014). Thus, it is the responsibility of critical discourse analysts and consumers of political discourse to be wary of various manipulative linguistic strategies in texts and other contextual features, including spatio-temporal information, identity and ideological inclinations, which could influence discourse production.


Corresponding author: Qasim Adeyemi Aliu, General Studies, Nigeria Maritime University, Okerenkoko, Delta State, Nigeria, E-mail:

About the author

Qasim Adeyemi Aliu

Qasim Adeyemi Aliu, PhD earned his doctoral degree from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. He is a lecturer in the School of General Studies, Nigeria Maritime University, Okerenkoko, Delta State, Nigeria. His research lies in the pragmatics and critical analysis of persuasive discourses in politics, advertising, religion, and conflict and gender issues.

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Received: 2024-09-24
Accepted: 2025-01-09
Published Online: 2025-03-04
Published in Print: 2025-03-26

© 2025 the author(s), published by De Gruyter on behalf of Soochow University

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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