Home The Al Jazeera’s visual stance on 30 June revolution: visual appraisal and intertextuality in dialogue
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The Al Jazeera’s visual stance on 30 June revolution: visual appraisal and intertextuality in dialogue

  • Rania Magdi Fawzy

    Rania Magdi Fawzy is an associate professor of applied linguistics Arab Academy for Science, Technology & Maritime Transport and Adjunct Professor, Korea University. She is an editorial board member for Discourse Context & Media, Elsevier. Fawzy’s work in Linguistics cuts across and contributes to research and debates within wide range of interrelated disciplines including Sociology, Communication, Journalism, Political Science and Virtual Reality genres. Her most recent publications appeared in social semiotics, Discourse and Communication, Journal of Multicultural Discourses and Biosemiotics.

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Published/Copyright: March 4, 2025

Abstract

30 June Revolution and the military support that followed on 3rd of July are seen as controversial events that have led to redefining the key actors in the Egyptian authorities at that time: Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Military. As new photos play an important role in promoting certain political aspects, the current study examines the Al Jazeera’s feature stories photos on this event. In doing so, the study synthesizes Appraisal theory with intertextuality and visual social actor representation. It takes from the issue of an intertextual view of evaluative stance as its point of departure. The concept of intertextuality is then related to the visual and hypertextual properties of online feature stories. The study finds that the photos depicting the military and security forces resort to certain visual techniques that emphasize the condemnation and criticism of such institutions. On the other hand, the Al Jazeera online visually evaluates the Brotherhood Group and the supporters of Morsi positively.

1 Introduction

A metalinguistic analysis of stance is important in understanding the kinds of activities implicated in stancetaking and evaluation (Englebreston 2007; Kashiha 2023). Evaluative stance enables writers to negotiate power and solidarity between themselves and their readers (Fawzy, 2019; Bednarek 2006; Bolívar 2001; Martin and White 2005). Accordingly, stance assumes a social role since it conveys systems of sociocultural values (Du Bois 2007: 139). According to Du Bois (2007), to comprehensively understand the concept of stance, it is important to consider what it is, how writers achieve it, what role language plays, and the role stance taking plays in the social context. In the same vein, Kucher et al. (2016) view stance as a powerful concept that allows speakers and writers to voice their personal attitudes, feelings and value judgements about a certain issue. Hood (2012: 52) points out that stance is implied in the interpersonal metafunction of discourse where social relations are negotiated.

30 June Revolution and the military support that followed on July 3rd are seen as controversial events that lead to redefining the key actors in the Egyptian authorities at that time: Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Military. In this context, the revolution is perceived differently; it is hailed as a new ‘revolution’ by some and is censured as a ‘coup’ by others. The military is considered as the ‘defender’ of the popular will by some and as ‘usurper’ by others. On the other hand, the Muslim Brotherhood Group is praised by some as the custodian of legitimacy and is scorned by others as the violators of the state sovereignty and security. There is a sense of opinion split over the revolution and its main actors, creating two groups. One group supports the military and the revolution while condemning the Brotherhood, whereas, the other group defends the ousted president Morsi’s legitimacy while criticizing the revolution and the military. Both sides continue to build narratives and counter narratives to suit their own interpretation of the event. Both sides’ narratives are built around evaluative alignment, membership categorization and ideological positioning.

30 June Revolution witnesses the manipulation of visual resources in a significant way. Visual resources are utilized as a tool that has enabled both the proponents and opponents of the revolution to convey their stance. Thus, news photos play an important role in promoting certain political aspects. In this regard, the current study is concerned with examining the Al Jazeera feature stories photos on this event.

The current article takes from the issue of an intertextual view of evaluative stance as its point of departure. The concept of intertextuality is then related to the visual and hypertextual properties of online feature stories. The study synthesizes Appraisal theory (Economou 2009) with visual social actor representation (van Leeuwen 2008), and visual intertextuality (Werner 2004) to answer the following questions:

  1. How are Appraisal resources realized visually in online feature stories photos?

  2. What are the intertextual techniques used to convey evaluative stance?

  3. How are social actors visually represented and categorized?

2 Online feature stories: some reflections on related news stories

Every feature story of the analysed data, as demonstrated in Figure 1 provides a text of the article, positioned in the centre of the page including a pull quote and preceded by an image which is accompanied by a headline, by-headline and a caption. All these elements come with interactive hyperlinks of related news stories and interactive images. Online features have the benefit of the digital affordances (combining visual and hypertextual elements) which are not offered in the print ones. The study also considers the inclusion of hyperlinks to the generic structure of online feature stories. Although it is not found in the literature, the study has found it significant to include related news hyperlinks to the feature story image as an intertextual extended stance. These hyperlinks are termed by Knox (2009) as ‘newsbites.’

Figure 1: 
Newsbites elements.
Figure 1:

Newsbites elements.

As illustrated in Figure 1, the related stories newsbites consist of a “Verbal Frame,” a “Focus Link,” an “Event”, a “Lure” and a “Tangent” (Knox 2009: 330). The function of the Verbal Frame is to frame the story. It helps to clarify for the reader how a given newsbite – a particular news commodity – is of relevance to them (Knox 2009: 322). As its name suggests, the Verbal Frame relates the followed hyperlinks to the accompanied feature. As for the Focus Link, it takes the form of a headline that is conflated with a link to a story page. In this regard, it has an intertextual function.

On the left side of the Focus Link there is a hyper image, visualizing the verbiage of the Focus and is given the functional label of Lure (Knox 2009: 327). The Focus Link is followed by an Event which resembles the lead of news articles. Meanwhile, Tangents function as hyperlinks to stories and/or home pages of content sections related to the story reported in the Event of the newsbite (Knox 2009: 330). Tangents typically occur below the Event. They function intertextually as an invitation to the reader to navigate to the story section (politics, society, Middle East, Egypt … etc.). Studying the features under discussion, it is found that Lure moves towards a more ideological classification, which is even supported by the Verbal Frame as being related to the adjunct feature.

3 Appraisal theory

Appraisal Theory is concerned with the meaning resources by which text producers construct specific evaluative stance. The theory explores how attitudes are negotiated and scaled. In doing so, Appraisal Theory focuses on three particular systems: ATTITUDE, ENGAGEMENT and GRADUATION (see Martin and White 2005).

Economou (2009: 11) argues that ATTITUDE is visually evoked and inscribed in photos and is up/down scaled by visual GRADUATION. Visual AFFECT, which deals with embodied emotions, can be ideationally inscribed or evoked (Guan 2022; Okesola and Oyebode 2023). Visual JUDGEMENT, which carries out ethical assessment of participants’ behaviour, is usually sourced to a depicted person. As with triggers for AFFECT, targets of the JUDGEMENT may or may not be depicted (Economou 2009: 114). Economou states that visualized attributes such as gender, age as well as depicted behaviour and circumstances may counter other assumed negative values evoked by, for instance, religious affiliation or ethnicity. Significantly, even if there is no depicted human participant, JUDGEMENT values may be evoked. This happens when “the material effects of some action or event depicted in a photo imply human causation, evoking negative [social sanction: propriety] targeting an implied actor” (Economou 2009: 132).

Visual APPRECIATION, is expressed through the values of two main types: visual objects and visually abstracted human behaviour. Visual GRADUATION choices help in making the depicted visual items clearer, sharper, lighter, brighter and more vivid as opposed to blurred, dim and less colourful items. Economou (2009: 160, 161) states that the visual GRADUATION system is achieved by a variety of visual expression forms referred to as ‘photographological’ forms. These forms correspond to phonological or graphological choices in language. Photographological systems are divided into two subsystems: ‘textural’ and ‘spatial’. Visual textural expressions include light, colour and focus choices. Meanwhile, spatial expressions consist of camera angle and size of frame.

Visual ENGAGEMENT choices are either expressed through ‘external voices’ or ‘internal textual voice,’ which, in turn, expresses the objectivity or subjectivity of photo producers respectively. The inclusion or exclusion of inscribed ATTITUDE marks the main distinction between the two voices. That is, the inclusion of inscribed ATTITUDE underlines heteroglossic properties since the depicted values are sourced in the photo by an external voice. Simply put, in such photos, where both the target of attitude values and appraisers are depicted, the attitudinal values are, then, externally attributed to a voice other than the text producers. However, she points out that the incorporation of externally sourced and explicit ATTITUDE in a news photo highlights the subjectivity of the writer since the inclusion of one type of ATTITUDE rather than another aligns the viewer with specific stance (Economou 2009: 199).

Visual heteroglossic expansion is subdivided into attribute and entertain resources. The subsystem of attribution is either being incorporate or substitute. Visually expressing [attribute: incorporation] is either by incorporating external stance (e.g. someone clapping) into the photo or by including what is called ‘visual quote’ (Economou 2009: 204). The second subsystem [attribute: substitute] is realized when an external text substitutes for the news photo. Substitute quotes differ from the incorporate ones in that substitution enlarges and intensifies the quote as if a whole photo.

Following Martin and White (2005) and more specifically their three proposed ‘voices’ or ‘keys’: ‘reporter’, ‘correspondent’ and ‘commentator’ in the news media, Economou (2008, 2009) differentiates between two visual voices/keys in news stories: Visual Record Key (VRK) for photos with strong ideational meanings, and Visual Interpretation Key (VIK) for photos which demonstration more complex evaluative resources (Economou 2008: 257). Economou identifies VRK in newspaper photographs in a way that corresponds to verbal reporter voice or reporter key through which authorial subjectivity is backgrounded. Quite the opposite, VIK corresponds to the commentator key, thus foregrounding authorial subjectivity. Interestingly, VIK photos are up scaled by higher GRADUATION forces, achieved by colour saturations, light contrast, among other focus choices.

4 Visual intertextuality and representations of the ‘others’

As with the case with verbal intertextuality, which refers back to previous texts and discourses, Domke et al. (2002: 134) argue that there is no innocent eye. They point out that even novel visual images are not isolated stimuli, rather they are associated with previous images and ideas. Therefore, images, like words, can be intertextually evaluated in relation to pre-existing beliefs and experiences. Moreover, Rogoff describes visual experiences as intertextual, as they – are read on to and through one another, lending ever-accruing layers of meanings and of subjective responses to each encounter we might have with film, TV, advertising, artwork, buildings or urban environment (2002: 24 as cited in Ilan 2014: 2882).

Werner (2004) suggests that as far as visual analysis is concerned, intertextuality is significantly involved. According to him, “[a]feature of post-modern society is its relentless traffic in images, often borrowed from diverse times, and places, and patched together in ever changing ways” (64). Thus, considering intertextuality is important when referring to the visual culture where authors theorize the production, circulation, uses, and changing meanings of images across time and place (Werner 2004). Mirzoeff (1999: 4) sums up this idea: Human experience is now more visual and visualized than ever before. In many ways, people in industrialized and post-industrial societies now live in visual cultures to an extent that seems to divide the present from the past. Therefore, intertextuality can be perceived as central to visualized sources. In his analysis of political cartoons, Werner (2004) studies intertextuality at three different levels: within the frame of the political cartoons (binary oppositions or visual quoting); across images on the editorial page (pairing, sequencing, and clustering); and between the cartoon and the surrounding texts (anchoring, framing). Therefore, intertextuality functions both inside and outside (the surrounding context) images.

Intertextuality within images operates through two conventions: binary juxtaposing and visual quoting. For Werner (2004), binary juxtaposing underlines contrastive ideas, values, conditions or events within a single picture. The effect of the contrast helps in provoking evaluative interpretation. Another mode through which intertextuality is evident within photo frame is that of visual quoting. Visual quoting marks borrowed themes, symbols, or compositional elements from famous images (Werner 2004). Meanwhile, intertextuality across images functions through pairing, sequencing, clustering and scattering. Pairing assigns the positioning of the same images side-by-side or one after another. This type of intertextuality, as argued by Werner (2004), introduces a surplus of meanings. Meanwhile, sequenced images invoke a storyline relationship around linear change, progress, fulfilment, or causation. Werner (2004) provides the following examples of narrative sequencing:

  1. Anticipation and reflection: An image of a politician in the joy of victory and then in the agony of defeat four years later, adds a tone of pitifulness to the political issue under discussion.

  2. Then and now: City streetscapes from the start and end of the twentieth century reinforce the idea of urban change and progress.

  3. Before and after: The shape of three World War I soldiers waiting to charge the enemy line from their grave-like trench is mirrored in another image by the shape of the Vimy Ridge War Memorial to 12,000 soldiers for whom there is no known grave.

  4. Antecedent and consequence: A dozen soldiers firing heavy artillery at a distant invisible enemy in the Korean War is followed by a close-up of a soldier examining a wounded child.

  5. Alternative outcomes: A truck filled with boisterous waving soldiers as they return from Vimy Ridge, May 1917, is followed by a more subdued picture of a wounded soldier in a hospital surgery room.

Sequenced images carry temporal relationships. However, intertextual clustering implies no temporal sequencing. That is to say, each image acts as a part of the mosaic and contributes a point of view or piece of information to the overall implied theme of the grouping. A common use of clustering, according to Werner, is to demonstrate certain aspects of a historical issue or event. As an example, a collection of nineteenth-century illustrations showing immigration to the New World depicts crowds trying to get tickets from a shipping agent, boarding crowded ships, and living in squalid conditions within a ship’s hold. To an alert reader who interprets each picture in the light of the others, the montage provides textured and conflicting details that add human interest to the event and imply that one interpretation is always partial and limited. (Werner 2004) Unlike sequencing, which provides a narrative pairing, clustering provokes a montage effect and each photo presents a point of view or information to the general underlying theme of the clustering. Furthermore, the fourth type of intertextuality across images is that of scattering. It handles the scattering of similar images throughout the analysed data to implicitly legitimize an idea or stress a notion through repetition.

The third type of visual intertextuality, as suggested by Werner (2004), arises when written and visual texts are placed together, thereby providing context for and implying comment upon each other. He argues that two conventions are used to trace such type of intertextuality: anchoring the image and framing the word. The anchoring of image with caption is the most common image-word intertextual convention. These intertextual relations control the indeterminacy and multiplicity of meanings, and thereby to encourage a desired reading (Werner 2004). Therefore, images meaning is associated with the accompanying words and images. Werner (2004: 64) points out that visual intertextuality is evident “[w]henver a pictorial image is read in terms of – or through, against, alongside – another image or surrounding set of images and words.” By operating intertextuality, he asserts, meanings assigned to the image differ from those meanings that would be revealed if it were interpreted in isolation. Thus, tracing visual intertextuality helps in revealing hidden assigned meaning.

van Leeuwen’s (2008) social actor representation focuses on social distance, social relation and social interaction among different social actors. van Leeuwen (2008: 138–41) identifies three specific dimensions through which the concept of the ‘Otherness’ is visually represented:

4.1 Distance

Distance refers to the closeness of the relationships between the depicted persons and the viewer. For example, ‘long shot’ highlights social exclusion and vice versa, ‘close-up’ stands for intimate relations and social inclusion.

4.2 Social relation

The nature of social relation depends on the angle from which the shot is captured, and this includes either the vertical or the horizontal angles. The vertical angle portrays the person either frontally or from the side. It poses the question: Is the viewer looking up, down or are the viewer and the participant on the same level as the social actor? Therefore, the perspective shot voices two aspects of the represented social relation between the viewer and the people in the picture: power and involvement. Meanwhile, the horizontal angle suggests either involvement or detachment. See Figure 2.

Figure 2: 
Camera angle and the representation of social actor (van Leeuwen 2008).
Figure 2:

Camera angle and the representation of social actor (van Leeuwen 2008).

van Leeuwen’s (2008: 142) then proposes two questions regarding how the ‘language of images’ depicts people. The first is: how are people depicted as ‘others’? And the second is: what do these people do? In answering these questions, he (2008: 142–146) lists four strategies to be highlighted and examined:

  1. Exclusion: Ruling out certain people from the social context (institutions, societies, nations, etc.) to which they belong in reality.

  2. Role: The people in pictures may be depicted as active participants who are involved in some course of actions. On the contrary, they may be shown as passive participants who are undergoing the activity. Thus, role allocation is about portraying the social actors as either ‘agents’ or ‘patients.’

  3. Individuals and groups: People may be depicted as individuals or groups. Showing people in groups, for instance, portrays them as homogeneous groups, which, in turn, deprive them individual characteristics and differences; they appear as if they are all the same.

  4. Categorization: Categorization assigns negative cultural connotations to the represented participants through the deployment of particular visual attributes such as the heads covers and hijabs.

5 Data collection

The data used for the analysis are taken from one of the most controversial.[1] media outlets: Al Jazeera online. It consists in 18 photos. Al Jazeera, in the words of Seib (2008: 1), is one of the most controversial news agencies in terms of twisting facts, exaggerating or even inventing them. He adds that Al Jazeera is a paradigm of new media’s influence since it significantly affects global politics and culture. The photos under discussion are collected from Al Jazeera official home page, more specifically, from feature investigative stories section during the period between 30 June Revolution and two months after the clearing of pro-Morsi’s sit-ins carried out on the 13th of August 2013. Photos accompanying investigative feature stories are particularly chosen for the analysis for their intense evaluative properties (Economou 2006).

Four major events occurred during the period subject to examination. The first event was on the 30th of June, 2013, when millions of Egyptians staged massive demonstrations calling for early presidential election and President Morsi was removed. Events escalated on the 3rd of July when Defence Minister, at that time Al Sisi, declared the overthrow of Morsi and appointment of the head of the Constitutional Court as interim President. The second major event was on the 26th of July when again Egyptians demonstrated to delegate the Egyptian military to fight terrorism. The third event was marked by the crackdown that took place on the 13th of August 2013 where the Egyptian security forces raided two camps of protesters in Cairo: one at Rabaa Al-Adawiya Mosque and the other at al-Nahda Square. The fourth event was the iconization of Rabaa sit-in and the emergence of Rabia sign in solidarity with the Brotherhood group.

The study is concerned with interpreting the underlying stance of Al Jazeera using the framework of visual Appraisal (Economou 2009) to reveal the ideological positioning behind as well as the ideological representations of social actors. Acknowledging the role of camera angle, point of view and visual cues (e.g. colour, form) (Lester 2014) helps in highlighting how evaluative resources are realized. Social actor representations (van Leeuwen 2008) framework enable revealing how the involved social actors are ideologically categorized based on the foregrounded evaluative stance.

The analytical repertoires are thematized according to the ways in which the identities of the social are visually evaluated. The examples of the feature stories photos are classified with regard to the included evaluative keys: VIK/VRK. The author conducted an analysis of 18 photos to come up with the underlying evaluative stance so as to draw a classification scheme for the analysis. The criterion for choosing specific photos in the article for explaining the analysis is the prevailing of a specific evaluative stance that is realized due to particular shooting technique or visual codes. Although the main focus of the current paper is highlighting visual evaluative stance, in two instances it is found that referring to the accompanied verbal text is significant in contextualizing the photo and categorizing its social actors objectively.

6 Analysis

6.1 Criticizing the Egyptian military: borrowed visual techniques

One of the reiterated ideological positioning in the features analysed is the Muslim Brotherhood versus the Egyptian Military theme. This positioning is mainly reliant on portraying the military as the trigger of violence, social fraction and political disturbances. See Figure 3.

Figure 3: 
Silhouette as a borrowed technique for realizing authorial subjectivity.
Figure 3:

Silhouette as a borrowed technique for realizing authorial subjectivity.

The photo is taken from a distance shot [negative JUDGEMENT: social esteem: normality: unfamiliar]. The APC is a token of [negative JUDGEMENT: social esteem: normality: violent]. A remarkable authorial textural technique characterizing this photo is that of silhouetting. According to Douglis (2013), silhouette identifies given objects as a way of “[A]bstracting them – often showing less and saying more in the process. We can use those silhouettes to create symbols and metaphors that provoke the imagination and thoughts of our viewers”. This textural choice of silhouette removes personal detail and abstracts facial expressions, which, in turn, evokes a more negative evaluative reading of the three soldiers and stresses their metonymic representation as well [negative APPRECIATION: reaction: abstraction and emotional detachment]. Thus, silhouette positions the viewers negatively against the three soldiers.

Due to the clear contrast between brightness and darkness, the textural choices of colours and camera angel in Figure 3 are extreme in a way that signals authorial subjectivity and identifies the photo as marked. That is to say, the photo is portrayed in the authorial voice which is the result of the photographer’s choices (e.g. time of day, angle and distance) followed by the editor’s selection of this photo in particular. In this sense, it belongs to VIK since it displays high evaluative resources.

The visual intertextuality exists between the image and the hyper two images; Lures, is that of sequencing marking antecedent and consequence relation. Such visual intertextual relation assigns a sense of storytelling serialization. The nucleus image presents a soldier pointing his APC at a distant invisible enemy followed by an image of destruction and flaming fire and a close-up image of a wounded demonstrator as if indicating that the military presence in the political life in Egypt is the reason behind destruction, human suffering and unrest. Figure 4 illustrates the intertextual sequencing relation.

Figure 4: 
Intertextual sequencing.
Figure 4:

Intertextual sequencing.

6.2 Criticizing the Egyptian military: metonymic institutionalization

Figure 5 narrows the scope of the stance expressed in the headline (Egypt’s division starker than ever) by defining the social actor and contextualizing the event. The negatively appraised wire fence acts as a token for associating negative JUDGEMENT with the Egyptian Army. It is depicted in the photo as an attribute of the restrictions placed by the army on the Muslim Brotherhood. The fence could be a symbolic attribute of not only a physical separation, but an ideological or political separation as well, which, in turn, corresponds visually to the word ‘division’ found in the headline.

Figure 5: 
Visual metonymic institutionalization.
Figure 5:

Visual metonymic institutionalization.

The fence can be read as an attribute of the oppressed demonstrators [positive JUDGEMENT: capacity: helpless] who are deprived their right to stage demonstrations at Al Tahrir. It is there to keep the supporters of Morsi out of Al Tahrir. Although not being foregrounded, the most salient elements in the picture are the APCs due to their size and colour. They are also intensified due to their visual repetition. The APCs evoke as well [negative JUDGEMENT: social sanction: propriety: use of force]. Heteroglossically, they function, along with the barbed fence, as visual quotes [incorporate].

The soldiers, they are visible yet abstracted since no facial expressions are shown. Accordingly, the photo is an example of homogeneous collectivization [negative APPRECIATION: reaction: detaching]. Thus, metonymic institutionalization is addressed. They are culturally categorized by wearing clothes that viewers may relate to combat fighters. The shooting perspective provides a vector running throughout the fence to the background ending in the Al Tahrir complex. It can be considered a ‘locative of circumstance’ (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006) since it provides information concerning the setting of the image; which is Al Tahrir square.

The intertextual relation between the nucleus image and two accompanying Lures is that of clustering. A montage effect is provoked since each photo contributes to the general underlying theme of restricting the freedom of demonstrations. As for the first Lure, it intertextually refers back to the battle of the Camel. The battle of the Camel was a crucial event in Egypt’s 2011 uprising when Al Tahrir square was besieged by thousands of Mubarak’s loyalists to expel the demonstrators of the square by force. In this context, bringing the nucleus image and the Lure together draws an analogy between the military and Mubarak’s thugs. Both wanted to circumvent the freedom of the protesters. This is evidenced in Figure 6.

Figure 6: 
First Lure image enlarged.
Figure 6:

First Lure image enlarged.

6.3 Alluding the corruption of the judicial system: visual Otherness

By examining the social context to which Figure 7 is related, it is found that the Brotherhood Group claims that all their gains at the polls were reversed by both the Mubarak-appointed Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) and the military. Besides, they argue that the lower house of parliament, of which the Islamists won seventy three percent of the seats, was dissolved by the SCC on the behest of the military (Al Amin 2013). Moreover, the military suspended the new constitution, while ousting the so-called democratically-elected president and appointed the head of the court as the interim president which adds more to the claimed deal between the two institutions.

Figure 7: 
Visual othering.
Figure 7:

Visual othering.

Figure 7 is taken from a low angle, presenting the soldier as having symbolic power over the viewers. In addition, camera angle is oblique establishing a sense of detachment between the depicted soldier and the viewers [negative JUDGEMENT: social esteem: tenacity: normal: impersonalized]. The oblique angle stresses the Otherness of the represented soldier. Interestingly, it is not the soldier; rather the machine gun is the closest to the viewer [high GRADUATION: spatial intensification: force]. Such foregrounding of the machine renders it as a symbolic attribute.

Being a long, horizontal shot and taken from an oblique angle, the photograph is the visual equivalent of van Leeuwen’s (2008) ‘passive agent backgrounding’. The soldier’s (target) behaviour and facial expressions are neither individualized nor clear [low GRADUATION: focus] as if he is a mere metonymic representative of the military institution. The camera focus then evokes [negative APPRECIATION: reaction: abstraction: emotional disconnection]. This idea is a recurrent theme in the analysed data since the military soldiers are depicted with no explicit facial expressions. Values of negative propriety are evoked against the military by depicting the SCC in the background of the soldier. It appears that the soldier guards the court which carries an intertextual reference to the alleged deals made between the military and the SCC [negative JUDGEMENT: social sanction: veracity: corruption]. The photo belongs to VIK due to its shooting techniques.

A visual intertextuality of pairing is evident between the nucleus image and the second Lure. Introducing the two images side-by-side introduces a surplus of meanings, which, in turn, enhances the negative evaluation expressed. The recurrent theme of negatively appraising the military is evident in the following example as well.

6.4 Condemning the crackdown operation: dramatizing interdiscursivity

In Figure 8, the participants are portrayed with a relatively low-angle shot to highlight the land with the burned rubbles and blazing fire. What is interesting about the low-angle shot here is that it captures the context the participants belong to, which is that of aggression and devastation from the part of the soldiers and helplessness from the part of Morsi’s supporters. This can be interpreted as an attempt of the photographer to place them in a certain social and cultural environment. The depicted human participants’ behaviour and material objects in the given photo express inscribed AFFECT [negative AFFECT: insecure: vulnerable and week] and [negative AFFECT: disinclination: terrorized]. The photo evokes as well certain attitude values of APPRECIATION in viewers: [social sanction: propriety: violence and aggressiveness].

Figure 8: 
Interdiscursive dramatization of the crackdown event.
Figure 8:

Interdiscursive dramatization of the crackdown event.

The plumes of smoke and destruction may evoke in the viewer shared negative AFFECT against the police institution in Egypt as the doer of such depicted destructions [negative AFFECT: dissatisfaction: anger]. The photo also evokes empathy with the supporters of Morsi [positive AFFECT: sympathy]. As for JUDGEMENT, the resources depicted in this photo are evoked rather than inscribed. The material effect of the depicted fire, fume, debris and overwhelming destruction serves as an attributed negative JUDGEMENT of the security forces (tokens of the government). Moreover, the visual elements of fire, fumes and debris inscribe negative APPRECIATION resources of reaction and composition [reaction: dramatic]. The photo shares VRK since it depicts actual scene in the location of the crackdown after it has taken place.

Visual intertextuality is also evident by the technique of clustered montage among the nucleus image and the two accompanying Lures. The sequencing of the events is not temporal since they all depict the crackdown event but with different visual proximity. The hyper Lures visualize the theme of the crackdown and coup negatively as intended by the editorial board. Clustered intertextuality here emphasizes the trails of devastation the crackdown left behind. They correspond visually to the nucleus image with the smoke overwhelming most of the photos while presenting the security forces as the trigger (Figure 9).

Figure 9: 
Intertextual clustering (Lures cropped and enlarged).
Figure 9:

Intertextual clustering (Lures cropped and enlarged).

6.5 Praising the supporters of Morsi: evoked religious sentiment

Figure 10 utilizes religious sentiment which is a recurrent theme as far as the Muslim Brotherhood is concerned. The shot is a street scene depicting Morsi’s loyalists as performing the religious ritual of praying which invokes positive JUDGEMENT values [positive JUDGEMENT: social sanction: veracity: reverent]. This stresses the idea that the sit-ins are but a peaceful resistance to the army’s removal of the Islamist President [positive APPRECIATION: valuation: social significance: religious ritual]. The shot is taken during daytime which indicates high GRADUATION values due to its brightness. Same notion is evident in Figure 11.

Figure 10: 
Evoked religious sentiment.
Figure 10:

Evoked religious sentiment.

Figure 11: 
Functional categorization of social actors.
Figure 11:

Functional categorization of social actors.

The long line of men sitting on the floor metonymically symbolizes the huge number of the Morsi’s loyalists. This is an example of van Leeuwen’s (2008) ‘functionalization’. The social actors are categorized by what they do. They are visually reduced to just one action: praying, which, in turn, refutes any other negative actions associated with the sit-ins at that time. The photo depicts the protesters as doing one of the pillars of prayers; sitting between the two prostrations. The gesture of placing the body in a reverential as well as submissive position acts as a paralinguistic visual quote [heteroglossic: incorporate: visual quote: paralinguistic gesture].

As for the JUDGEMENT values evoked, the social actors are identified visually based on the action of prayer they are doing. They are, accordingly, attached to what is assumed to be the typical behaviour of reverent Muslims [positive JUDGEMENT: social sanction: propriety: reverent] and [social sanction: veracity: worship]. Accordingly, a moral alignment is established evoking shared values of respect [positive APPRECIATION: reaction: regard highly] to do with the sacredness of praying. A cultural alignment is established as well evoking positive values of solidarity with the protesters [positive APPRECIATION: reaction: attachment].

As for the visual intertextuality established between the nucleus image and the two adjunct Lures, it is found that clustering is assumed. Intertextual clustering here implies the recurrent theme of victimizing the supporters of Morsi and iconizing their demonstrations, sit-ins or cause, in general, along with demonizing the military and security forces as the responsible for the blood shedding. Figure 12 is illustrative.

Figure 12: 
Intertextual clustering.
Figure 12:

Intertextual clustering.

Intertextual clustering in this instance carries implicit legitimization of the Brotherhoods’ staged demonstrations against the military and in solidarity with Morsi.

6.6 Individualizing the Brotherhood Group: cinematizing interdiscursivity

The shooting technique of Figure 13 adopts telephoto lens with shorter focal lengths. Telephoto lens is used to isolate the participant while making the backgrounded APCs and the soldier appear as if, although having a long distance between them, they are visually close. Furthermore, such a shooting lens provides a closer perspective of the subject matter so as to personalize him. The vector formed by the represented participant’s eyelines connects him with the viewers as if appealing to their conscience [high GRADUATION: focus: proximity] and [positive APPRECIATION: reaction: emotional involvement]. Moreover, there is another vector which is formed by the participant’s handcuffed gesture moving in the same direction with his eye gaze as if asking for the viewers’ help to set him free. Depicting the soldier with the APCs in the tele-close background (distance shot of a tele-lens) indicates metonymically that the military institution is the trigger for the young man’s negative AFFECT.

Figure 13: 
Telephoto lens and cinematizing character shot.
Figure 13:

Telephoto lens and cinematizing character shot.

Heteroglossically, cinematizing character shot is achieved by presenting the young man muffled and handcuffed by the Egyptian flag in a mid-shot accompanied by high focus GRADUATION resources [high GRADUATION: sharp camera focus: high clarity]. Moreover, the participant’s gaze and gesture are the most salient elements of the composition. This creates an environment associated with cinematic shots that aims to emotionally involve viewers with the young man as a character in a dramatic event. The photo is heteroglossically sourced by VIK, which is achieved by extreme camera focus and colour contrast. Visual ENGAGEMENT value in this image is then [heteroglossic: entertain], which foregrounds authorial subjectivity. The photo employs visual quotes by depicting paralinguistic behaviour. This can be deemed a token of the youths’ suppression, which, in turn, invokes negative JUDGEMENT against the Egyptian Military [negative JUDGEMENT: sanction: propriety: oppressive institution].

6.7 Visual sensationalization

Grabe et al. (2001) state that sensationalism presents news stories that incite emotional and sensorial stimulation or arousal in the spectators. Correspondingly, Figure 14 recalls what Zelizer (2010) labels ‘contorted death’. Contorted death is the depiction of twisted masses of bodies, often at make-shift morgues. Emotional sensations increase audience’s memory recall and understanding (Pantti 2010). The photo emphasizes the crackdown operation and the resulting deaths and suffering of the followers of Morsi [negative JUDGEMENT: social sanction: propriety: excessive use of force].

Figure 14: 
Visual sensationalism.
Figure 14:

Visual sensationalism.

Figure 14 depicts a pile of dead bodies and displayed traces of blood using horizontal wide shot to include as many corps, invoking [negative APPRECIATION: valuation: brutality] of the dispersal operation. There are four social actors presented with the many dead bodies lined on the floor of the mosque creating a narrative vector. The foregrounded standing man is probably searching for a dead relative among the corpses. The other man of the oblique angle is talking, as indicated by his body gesture, to another participant of whom only his arm depicted. The fourth actor is depicted from a sideline shot as fixing or turning on a standing fan (maybe it is there to keep the dead bodies cool). The active participants of the photo do not interact with the viewers on any level. Thus, there is a gap between the viewers and the actors. This gap, in turn, indicates that this photo is an impersonal one, making the visual focus go to the dead bodies. The photo also encapsulates the dispersal operation into a mass killing, evoking negative values of APPRECIATION. These APPRECIATION values are linked to evoked negative JUDGEMENT resources of the military and the security forces as being the responsible [Negative APPRECIATION: impact: reaction: shocking and sensational]. The photo evokes as well strong associated AFFECT in viewers; anger at the target [negative AFFECT: dissatisfaction: rage] and sadness at the loss of lives [negative AFFECT: sad].

Al Jazeera, in this sense, seeks to iconize the suffering and deaths experienced by the supporters of Morsi. The notion of iconizing the crackdown operation is 212 extended to the image of the second hyperlink. The Lure offers mapping of Rabaa Square as the main sit-in of pro-Morsi. Accordingly, Al Jazeera editorial board aims at iconizing the square. Wood and Fels (1992: 117) put it “[i]conicity is the indispensable quality of the map”. It is the source and principle of the map’s analogy to objects, places, relations, and events. Therefore, the map is an icon in the sense that it is a visual analogue of a geographic landscape, see Figure 15.

Figure 15: 
The map as an iconic intertextual visuality.
Figure 15:

The map as an iconic intertextual visuality.

6.8 Iconizing the symbol of Rabia:[2] visual quoting

Figure 16 includes a direct gaze to the viewers by most of the photo participants. The participants form leading lines that draw the viewer’s eye to the photograph of the ousted Morsi and the gesture of Rabia sign. Leading lines interact with the visual quote of a poster depicting the former President Morsi in a way that provokes positive JUDGEMENT targeting the depicted social actor (Morsi) [social esteem: tenacity: perseverance]. Thus, due to a visual spatial effect created by angles and the size of frame chosen, his hand with Rabia sign is given higher force than other body parts [spatial high GRADUATION: force: close shot: salience]. It acts as a visual quote as well [heteroglossic: attributed: incorporate: paralinguistic gesture]. Being a reminiscent of the massacre caused by the dispersal operation, such a paralinguistic gesture of Rabia evokes both [negative APPRECIATION: valuation: social injustice and brutality] and [positive JUDGEMENT: social esteem: normality: tenacity: social affiliation].

Figure 16: 
Iconizing the symbol of Rabia.
Figure 16:

Iconizing the symbol of Rabia.

The demonstrators are used to create a visual narrative in the composition [positive APPRECIATION: composition: significant meaning]. The photo includes inscribed attitudinal values that are brought into by an attributed external voice. In other words, both the target of ATTITUDE values (the included photo of Morsi and the sign of Rabia) and the appraisers (the demonstrators) are depicted, and, hence, each value is externally attributed to a voice other than the photo producers. This photo is characterized with high AFFECT and high JUDGEMENT provoked. By identifying the evaluative meanings voiced by the facial expressions and body language of human participants, it is found that the majority of AFFECT resources are negative feelings of resentment [negative AFFECT: dissatisfaction: anger]. In addition to the included attitudinal values, the photo is marked by VIK key since what it portrays is not a factual proposition due to camera focus and spatial distribution. In this sense, the photo can be regarded as heteroglossic, where there is an interplay between internal and external authorial voices, or in other words, authorial and attributed voices. The internal authorial voice is that of [heteroglossic: entertain] which are realized here by relying on extreme camera focus. Meanwhile, the external voice is evident by attributed [heteroglossic: incorporate] through the use of three types of visual quotes: visual text, verbal text and paralinguistic gesture.

As for visual intertextuality, the two hyper images (Lures) intertextually relate to and expand visually the ideological proposition suggested by the headline and the photo via visual pairing. The first hyper photo depicts the fumes and destruction resulting from the crackdown. Meanwhile, the second hyper image reinforces further this notion and presents the cause of the destruction by depicting the foreign Prime Minister as metonymic representative of the Egyptian government after the so-called coup and the ousting of Morsi. Hence, intertextual montage effect is achieved. Figure 17 is illustrative.

Figure 17: 
Intertextual montage effect is evident (ideologically relating destruction and protesting to transitional government).
Figure 17:

Intertextual montage effect is evident (ideologically relating destruction and protesting to transitional government).

7 Conclusions

Synthesizing Appraisal theory (Economou 2009) with visual social actor representation (van Leeuwen 2008) and photographic techniques (Lester 2014), the current study has examined the visual evaluative resources in some of the Al Jazeera feature stories photos on 30 June Revolution. The analysis section has yielded that the photos depicting the military and security forces resort to certain visual techniques that emphasize the condemnation and criticism of such institutions. One of these techniques is the visual abstraction which is achieved either by silhouette, metonymic realization or distanced and oblique shots. Abstraction of the military soldiers or security forces is a recurrent theme in the analysed data which indicates negative APPRECIATION resources of emotional detachment and negative JUDGEMENTS of unfamiliarity and social distance. Correspondingly, the study has found that the most significant realizations of the attitudinal resources underlying the photos tackling the military or security soldiers are low AFFECT and high APPRECIATION. The feature photos appraise the military and political institutions after Morsi negatively as well through incorporating visual quotes and heteroglossic substitute. Other visual resources that present 30 June Revolution negatively are symbolic attributes. Symbolic attributes of APCs, fenced wire and rifles are employed to add further emphasis on the condemnation of the military.

The study has concluded also that the Al Jazeera online visually evaluates the Brotherhood Group and the supporters of Morsi positively. Al Jazeera tends to praise the supporters of Morsi legitimizing their Sit-ins. This is achieved visually via inserting visual quotes that iconize the protests. Such visual quotes include the symbol of Rabia, index finger and various flags that have iconographical references of religious and patriotic references. Cinematizing interdiscursivity is utilized as well to individualize the Brotherhood Group. Al Jazeera criminalizes the clearing out operation via applying the technique of visual sensationalization. It tends to portray the human cost of the dispersal of the pro-Morsi’s sit-ins, whether it is casualties, deaths, or damage and destruction with a view to engaging the viewers in its consequences. Therefore, the study has concluded that Al Jazeera portrays the Brotherhood Group as victims, wounded, dead or grieving. However, along with victimizing the Brotherhood Group, Al Jazeera also depicts them as heroes who defy the grip of the military.

It was not possible to include a comprehensive analysis of all the textual features observed in the corpus. Hence, further research is called for to examine the evaluative stance underlying the body texts of online features. Applying visual Appraisal on different genres like talk shows and TV political interviews would be interesting as well.


Corresponding author: Rania Magdi Fawzy, Arab Academy for Science, Technology and Maritime Transport, Cairo, Egypt; and College of Liberal Arts, Korea University, Seoul 02841, Republic of Korea, E-mail:

About the author

Rania Magdi Fawzy

Rania Magdi Fawzy is an associate professor of applied linguistics Arab Academy for Science, Technology & Maritime Transport and Adjunct Professor, Korea University. She is an editorial board member for Discourse Context & Media, Elsevier. Fawzy’s work in Linguistics cuts across and contributes to research and debates within wide range of interrelated disciplines including Sociology, Communication, Journalism, Political Science and Virtual Reality genres. Her most recent publications appeared in social semiotics, Discourse and Communication, Journal of Multicultural Discourses and Biosemiotics.

Analysed Articles

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Received: 2024-12-15
Accepted: 2025-01-15
Published Online: 2025-03-04
Published in Print: 2025-03-26

© 2025 the author(s), published by De Gruyter on behalf of Soochow University

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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