Home “What we ordered”: a multimodal framing analysis of the memetic representation of the Obidient movement in Nigeria
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“What we ordered”: a multimodal framing analysis of the memetic representation of the Obidient movement in Nigeria

  • Oluwayemisi Olusola Adebomi

    Oluwayemisi Olusola Adebomi, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in the General Studies Department of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA). Her research interests lie in discourse, new media and gender studies. She was a visiting researcher at the Department of English and American Studies, University of Hamburg and is currently at the Department of English, American and Celtic Studies, University of Bonn, Germany for her postdoctoral training sponsored by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. She has received the African-German Network of Excellence in Science (AGNES) research award and the postdoctoral (individual) fellowship of the Merian Institute for Advanced Studies in Africa (MIASA), funded by the Universities of Ghana and Freiburg, Germany. Some of her research outcomes have appeared in reputable journals including: Language and Semiotic Studies, LinguistikOnline, Marang: Journal of Language and Literature, Language Matters, Journal of African Media Studies, African Identities, Discourse & Society and Metaphor and the Social World.

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Published/Copyright: January 14, 2025

Abstract

This study undertakes a multimodal framing analysis of the Obidient movement in Nigeria, with a view to exposing how Internet memes are deployed to advertise Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in Nigeria’s 2023 election. Forty memes were purposively sampled from Nigerian WhatsApp platforms and data were analysed qualitatively using aspects of Kress and van Leeuwen (2006. Reading images: The grammar of visual design, 2nd edn. London: Routledge) grammar of visual design and Kuypers (2002. Press bias and politics: How the media frame controversial issues. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2009. Framing analysis. In Kuypers Jim (ed.), Rhetorical criticism: Perspectives in action, 181–204. London: Lexington Books) rhetorical framing analysis. The findings reveal that the meme producers employed contextual variables such as labels, metaphors, visuals, salience and keywords to frame Peter Obi, the Obidient movement and the LP as a valid alternative in the presidential election. The study also shows the deployment of semiotic concepts such as salience, social distance, attitude and framing to positively represent the Obidient movement and Obi. The study concludes that the text producers deploy memes to portray the Obidients and the Labour Party presidential candidate as victims of an incredible electoral process, and that the memes are created to reveal broader socio-cultural realities, especially the predominance of religious and ethnic politics in the Nigerian context.

1 Introduction

Prior to the 2023 general elections in Nigeria, many Nigerians were already losing hope in democratic governance in the country. This is because the successive national governments run by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) were regularly marred with allegations of corruption and general maladministration (Kreck 2019). However, the emergence of a third political party, the Labour Party (LP), in the 2023 presidential election, brought a shift in the Nigerian political landscape. Many people saw the LP and its candidate, Peter Obi, as a formidable third force, ray of hope and breath of fresh air (Emameh 2020). On his part, Obi leveraged the despicable political situation to portray himself as the coming Messiah by offering to provide what preceding administrations could not give Nigerians. Many Nigerians believed in Obi’s candidacy because there was already a lot of disenchantment with the PDP and APC administrations (Lewis 2023).

One new dimension that Obi’s presidential candidacy brought into Nigeria’s political system was that it caught the interest of a lot of Nigerian youth (Chukwura 2022). For the first time in a long period, the Nigerian youths massively threw their weight behind a presidential candidate against the general notion of youth’s apathy in the country’s electoral process. The youthful population of Obi’s supporters was quick to name themselves the Obidients, a nomenclature emerging from the last name of the LP’s presidential candidate. The Obidient movement, therefore, emerged as a political campaign movement for LP’s Peter Obi in the 2023 presidential elections. Even though the Obidient movement was more of an extension of the Labour Party, the supporters prefer to portray it as a revolutionary force rather than a political party. The movement constituted itself into a powerful political force whose focus was a call for democratic change. The Obidient movement organised massive nationwide rallies prior to the elections to raise awareness and increase political education.

The activities of the Peter Obi’s supporters, who branded themselves the Obidients, align with Woods (2006) which likens political campaigns to a form of advertisement designed to lead its audience in the directions of particular thoughts, beliefs and actions. Juxtaposing political campaigns and advertisements, Moemeke (1992) posits that modern politics is incomplete without advertising. Corroborating this, Oyovbaire (1992: 3) avers that, “what is incontrovertible is that modern political campaigns are marketing, advertising and public relations all rolled into one.” Also, Opeibi (2009) posits that instead of focusing basically on publicity which election campaigns are meant for, political actors now utilise media for political marketing. These assertions characterise the activities of the supporters of Peter Obi who conscientiously laundered the image of their presidential candidate and almost attempted to impose him on the Nigerian public, in a battle-like manner (Taiwo 2010).

The Obidients essentially deployed new media platforms, notably WhatsApp, Facebook and Twitter, to garner support for the presidential ambition of Peter Obi (Agbim et al. 2023). Even though many of the activities of the Obidients were online, they exhibited the attributes of regular political campaigns which Iornem (1995) describes as a set of carefully planned activities and properly coordinated series of promotional efforts built around a candidate, a theme, a programme or an idea, and designed to achieve predetermined objectives. With each of the channels, supporters of Peter Obi circulated various forms of messages ranging from textual to visual in a bid to market their candidate and make him gain wider acceptability. Arguably, Obi and his movement exemplify how the youths in the country can collectively channel their energies, with the aid of social media and digital tools, towards the realization of a common goal in the country, i.e., the call for an inclusive governance which addresses the multifarious challenges Nigerian youths are facing in the country. In spite of the massive digital activities of the Obidient movement before and after the 2023 presidential election, studies have underreported the way Nigerian youths deploy Internet memes to promote Peter Obi, the LP presidential candidate. Thus, this study explores the way Internet memes are reproduced to positively frame Peter Obi in order to substantiate that beyond protests, digital activism can be channelled towards political advertising in the Nigerian socio-political context.

2 Language, politics, multimodality and digital communication

A connection exists between language and politics. Chilton (1998) avers that language is an instrument employed by politicians to interact or transact in political contexts or political institutions/organizations. Also remarking the intersection of language and politics, Chahbane and Zrizi (2023) posit that language and politics are interdependent with both sharing a bond that cannot break. Similarly, Rozina and Karapetjana (2009) observe that regardless of the political regime, whether totalitarian or democratic, political stakeholders deploy the machinery of language to inform, influence, issue commands, legislate, or persuade. Consequently, the way politicians utilise language for several purposes in their political discourse has been widely explored, with focus on how they (politicians) use language for positive representation (Adebomi 2024a), ideological nuancing (Akinmameji 2020; Jost and Sterling 2020), power expression (Akinmameji 2017), persuasion (Akinmameji 2018), manipulation (Ozhohan et al. 2023), and negative other representation (Noor and Nawal 2019). A limitation to these studies, however, is that they ignore the role of multimodal resources, especially visual texts, in the articulation of political messages. This is in spite of the fact that the pursuit of discovering the intended meaning of the addresser in communicative events or interpreting any code has gone beyond just language use alone but includes all other multimodal resources (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006).

Exploring multimodality in political discourse, studies have examined the way visual resources have been deployed for: humour in Nigeria’s presidential election (Adegoju and Oyebode 2015), political evaluation (Barrett and Barrington 2005), framing an ideal candidate (Oyebode 2018), and managing voter impression (Verser and Wicks 2006). Aduradola and Ojukwu (2013) investigate the way newspaper political adverts and handbills are deployed as multimodal resources to educate, persuade, inform and entertain. In a related study, Ademilokun and Taiwo (2013) examine the different discursive and interdependent functions of visual and verbal resources in newspaper campaign adverts in Nigeria’s 2011 general elections. Similarly, Ademilokun and Olateju (2015) explore the way semiotic resources are utilized in Nigeria’s 2011 general elections campaign posters to perform functions relating to political enlightenment. Even though these studies identify multimodal resources (visual texts) as important tools in political communication, they fail to interrogate the way multimodal resources are deployed for digital political engagement in the Nigerian political landscape.

Meanwhile, the digital media has continued to serve as a platform for digital political engagements in different sociocultural contexts. Banda (2010), Calderaro (2018) and Opeibi (2011) affirm that, lately, politicians deploy new media channels including Facebook, Twitter, TikTok and WhatsApp for digital political engagement, using different messaging formats including music, texts, videos, images and memes. Among the various messaging formats deployed on new media channels, the utilisation of Internet memes for digital communication is remarkable (Levental 2023). This is, plausibly, because of the possibility of recreating memes to suit different political contexts, i. e., meme “repackaging” (Shifman 2013: 22). Besides, memes provide an avenue for improved engagement and could be inherently ideological (Holmes and Marra 2002). They are also viable tools for digital (political) activism (Moreno-Almeida 2021).

While a few studies have explored the way Internet memes have been used to express political interests and opinions (Durotoye 2020; Michael 2022), for political campaigns (Rochat 2019) and grassroots mobilization (Tran 2022), several other studies on digital political activism have focused on the deployment of Internet memes for negative evaluation of political institutions (Adebomi 2020, 2024a), resistance of perceived government anti people policies (Adebomi 2024b), negative representation of the APC “change mantra” in Nigeria (Alfred 2020: 1), expressing political dissension (Denisova 2016), negative representation of former Nigerian Presidents (Onanuga and Ajao 2017; Tella 2018), protest (Adebomi 2024c; Unuabonah and Oyebode 2021), and for ridiculing and negative political targeting (Tella 2018).

Considering that previous studies, especially from the Nigerian perspective, have largely focused on the deployment of Internet memes for negative evaluation of political stakeholders, processes and policies, this paper offers a different insight by interrogating how Internet memes are utilised for political advertising. The study will contribute to the understanding of the dynamics of the digital political engagements of Nigerian youths by interrogating the way Nigerian netizens, especially youths, utilise memes to positively frame the Obidient movement as well as Peter Obi, the LP candidate in Nigeria’s 2023 election as the most viable candidate in the presidential election. Specifically, this study aims to(i) identify specific verbal and visual resources deployed as representations of the Obedient movement/Peter Obi in the memes; (ii) classify the frames that such representations evoke; and (iii) discuss how these multimodal resources are strategically motivated to advertise the Obedient movement /LP/Peter Obi, as well as expose broader socio-political reality in Nigeria.

3 Perspectives on Kuypers (2002, 2009) rhetorical framing analysis and Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) grammar of visual design

Frame or framing analysis, as a multidisciplinary method of research, is traceable to Goffman (1974). It provides a framework for the analysis of how people understand and interpret situations and activities. Different scholars including Gamson and Lasch (1983), Gamson and Modigliani (1989), Kinder and Sanders (1990), Pan and Kosicki (1991), and lyengar (1991) have remarked on what constitutes a frame or how framing analysis should be done. For example, Kahneman and Tversky (1984) view framing as placing information in a unique context so that certain elements of the issue get a greater allocation of an individual’s cognitive resources. This, according to them, will make such elements become important in the way individuals influence judgements or make inferences. “Placing information in a unique context” resonates with Entman (1993) concept of salience in framing analysis. Entman (1993: 53) observes that: “Framing essentially involves selection and salience. To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text.” As a form of modification to existing models, Kuypers (1997, 2002, 2009, 2010) proposes the rhetorical framing analysis. This model derives insights from a combination of rhetorical criticism and framing analysis.

Rhetorical framing analysis involves studying how the verbal and linguistic choices of a text producer influence the decoder’s interpretive efforts. Communicators achieve rhetorical framing by focusing the decoders’ attention on a particular part of an issue and by attributing certain qualities to social actors or situations, thereby throwing light on particular elements of reality while obscuring others (Gamson 1992; Tella 2018). It typically proceeds from identifying the themes (and the social actors involved in them) in a text and determining how the themes or the indicated actors are framed (Kuypers 1997, 2002; Kuypers et al. 2008). Rhetorical framing analysis emphasises the roles of certain contextual variables such as stereotypes, social actors, source of information, power status etc. in determining the themes of a text and their frames. Also, framing of situations and social actors involved in them is based on identifying specific and consistent discourse properties such as keywords, metaphors, concepts, symbols, visuals, labels. This study prefers the rhetorical framing analysis model because it takes into cognisance the salience of linguistic items and other communicative modes, as well as the role of context in framing political/social actors. Besides, its emphasis on the rhetorical imports of frames helps to account for the persuasive functions of the identified frames in context.

As an accompanying theory, aspects of Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) grammar of visual design will provide insight into the understanding of the structure and meaning of the visual texts constituting the data for this study. This theory, drawing from Halliday (1994) metafunctions of grammar, identifies three dimensions of meaning: representational, interactive and compositional. They pinpoint two kinds of images that can be used to determine representational meaning: narrative and conceptual images. They describe narrative images as dynamic and serving to “present unfolding actions and events, processes of change, transitory spatial arrangements”, and conceptual images as static and representing “participants in terms of their class, structure or meaning” (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 59). Two types of participants are described in understanding interpersonal meaning: represented and interactive participants. The former refers to the people, places and things that are represented in images and texts; while the latter refers to those who produce the images and texts (e.g., painters, photographers) and those who view and read them. Also, they recognise three ways of examining the interactive meaning of images: contact (demand or offer), social distance (intimate, social, or impersonal), and attitude (involvement, detachment, viewer power, equality, and representation power).

Further, three interrelated systems are given as a means of understanding the compositional (functional) meaning of images. These are: information value, salience and framing. Information value refers to the given, new, ideal, real, important or less details provided by the text producer about the semiotic ensemble. Salience, in the visual text, is realised through size, colour, tone, focus, perspective, overlap and repetition. A common ground between the two theories, adopted for this study, is that they both advance that the salience of certain verbal and linguistic modes can provide a trajectory for frame analysis or the interpretation of a semiotic ensemble. Finally, Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) identify framing as part of the compositional value of a semiotic ensemble. Framing, according to them, is realised by different kinds of frame-lines and empty space. Frame-lines may be constituted by represented elements in an image such as a wall or a tree while empty space may indicate that certain elements in the image are to be seen as somehow disconnected. All the components of the semiotic ensemble are vital in the representation of socially and culturally motivated meanings.

4 Research method

The data for this study comprised forty purposively sampled memes from Nigerian WhatsApp platforms. The choice of WhatsApp stems from the fact that it draws a traffic of users. About 94 percent of Nigerian social media users are active on WhatsApp (Kemp 2020). Data were gathered between January and June 2023 representing the peak of the 2023 electioneering period in Nigeria. The author collected the data from individual and WhatsApp groups that they belonged to. They also requested for additional memes relating to the Obidient movement from colleagues and associates in order to boost the data pool. A lot of memes came in through this means because the Obidient movement, Peter Obi and associated issues were widely debated during the 2023 electioneering season in Nigeria. More so, many electioneering/campaign-related (multimodal) documents were (re)distributed on WhatsApp regardless of whether such materials had initially been circulated on other social media platforms such as Facebook or Twitter during the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria. After collecting the memes, they were sorted in order to harvest only those which were strategically reproduced to positively frame the Obidient movement/Peter Obi. After sorting, the memes were grouped and framed based on their dominant/salient political messages, paying attention to the available contextual variables such as keywords, metaphors, concepts, symbols, visuals, labels. Attention is also paid to the way various semiotic resources contribute to the realisation of representational, interactive and compositional meanings in the data. At least one meme from each group is qualitatively analysed using Kuypers (2002, 2009) rhetorical framing analysis and Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) grammar of visual design. The theoretical anchor for the study is appropriate because Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) provides the toolkits for deciphering the meanings of multimodal resources while framing performs intense persuasive functions and can be construed to influence public perception about specific political values or candidates (Tella 2018).

5 Data presentation and analysis

This section presents and discusses the different frames created by text producers for the purpose of persuading the target audience/ingratiating Peter Obi with the Nigerian electorate. The analyses exemplify how the verbal and visual resources are used to evoke a positive representation of the Obidient movement and LP presidential candidate by the text producer(s). Ten major frames are identified in the cartoons and classifiable into two major categories: individuated and collective frames.

5.1 Individuated and collective framing of the political actor(s)

The individuated frames focus on Peter Obi and mostly attribute positive representations to him. Four individuated frames are identified in the study. These include: Obi is a deliverer, Obi is not corrupt, Obi is a reformer, and Obi is a victim of INEC. These frames are created to amplify the political value of Peter Obi/persuade the target audience about the validity of his presidential ambition. The remaining six frames are categorised as collective. Unlike the individuated frames which focus only on the political qualities of Peter Obi, the collective frames portray the Labour party candidate/Obidient movement in connection with other social/political actors (presidential candidates). The six collective frames in the data set positively project Peter Obi and the Obidient movement while obscuring perceived political opponents. The various frames representing the Obidient movement and LP presidential candidate are presented subsequently.

5.1.1 Peter Obi is the deliverer

The first individuated frame presented in this section seeks to positively represent Peter Obi, the LP Presidential candidate. This is achieved essentially through the visual resources in the image.

Figure 1 does not have verbal compositional value. It is solely made up of visual resources. The represented participant in the image is Peter Obi who is saliently represented in a full-length posture. The image is also presented in a long shot to achieve prominence of the represented participant. In addition, the represented participant in the image is surrounded by an empty space. The placement of Obi within an empty space in the frame-line suggests separation (see Kress and van Leeuwen 2006). It plausibly suggests that the LP presidential candidate is separated or distinct from the other presidential candidates in the 2023 presidential election. This argument is reinforced by the white themed background of the image. Apart from the background of the image, the apparel on Peter Obi is also largely white. The colour white often represents piety, freshness, perfection, honesty, cleanliness and beginnings. Arguably, the text producer employs colour white to portray Peter Obi in positive light. This is especially because the candidacy of Peter Obi in the 2023 presidential election is believed to have brought an air of freshness as a formidable third force (Ezeamalu 2023). Previous presidential elections in Nigeria were usually determined between two major political parties, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC). The emergence of Peter Obi and the LP is believed to have interrupted the dominance of the two political parties thereby signalling a fresh beginning in Nigerian political landscape (Dirisu 2023). Furthermore, the image is presented in the frontal angle to show the involvement or commitment of Obi to actualising a new beginning for the Nigerian electoral process. The image also demands and offers. This is actualised by the smile on the face of Peter Obi in the image. With this posture, Obi seems to be demanding for the support of the people while also offering some form of reassurance to his supporters. In addition, Peter Obi is dressed like a combatant with his legs and arms adequately covered by leather (impenetrable) garments. The frame; Peter Obi is the deliverer, is specifically instantiated through visual modes including the sign of the cross and sword. The cross usually passes as a metaphor of Jesus Christ and Christianity. It is noteworthy that the cross in Figure 1 is presented in the red colour. This, in the Christian parlance, could also connote the blood of Jesus. Apart from blood which also signifies life, the colour red could also connote courage. Jesus Christ is significant in Christianity as the saviour who shed his blood, laid down his life for the remission of sins. Through his death, Jesus is believed to have initiated a new beginning, an era of reconciliation between God and mankind. In a related vein, the sword is one of the instruments used by warriors. A sword, sometimes, connotes power, authority, dominion and courage. These attributes also apply to Jesus Christ, the saviour. By combining these visual resources, it is arguable that the text producer strategically seeks to positively represent Peter Obi as the deliverer of Nigeria.

Figure 1: 
The deliverer.
Figure 1:

The deliverer.

5.1.2 Obi is a reformer

Figure 2 is the second individuated frame in this study. It is reproduced to positively frame Peter Obi as a reformer.

Figure 2: 
Obi-won.
Figure 2:

Obi-won.

The compositional value of Figure 2 is a combination of verbal and visual resources. Figure 2, which is a narrative image, is a remixed meme having the similitude of the cover of the popular American epic home video, Star Wars. Rather than Star Wars, the meme narrates the epic nature of Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election. The text producer uses the keyword “Naija Wars” in order to domesticate the represented participants/issues (Naija is the slangish expression for Nigeria). This is reinforced by the salience of Obi’s image. The reference to the American epic reiterates the text producer’s position that the Nigerian 2023 presidential election was exceptional, in the sense that it was different from previous elections where the contest was always between two political parties, PDP and APC. This time, there was a formidable third force in the person of Peter Obi of the LP. The election was also different because unlike in previous elections, Nigerian youth turned out massively to support Obi’s presidential ambition. The exceptional nature of the election is reiterated in the verbal resource: “This man caused a seismic shift in Nigerian political dynamics and created hope in youth (sic)…”. Thus, Figure 2 exemplifies the frame: Obi is a reformer. This is buttressed by the use of the keyword “seismic” as well as recognising Obi as the one who rekindled the hope of Nigerian youths. The verbal resource “Obi-won”, also suggests that the LP presidential candidate was the hero of the election, even though he did not actually win the presidential seat. The meme offers explanation on the heroic/reformer political stature of Obi by claiming that the LP candidate created hope in the youths that: “we have Nigeria’s destiny in our hands” and also reminded them of their “power and ability to bring out the best in people”.

5.1.3 Obi is not corrupt

The third individuated frame in this study is reproduced to politically market Peter Obi and present him as a pious and distinct politician.

The compositional value of Figure 3 is a combination of verbal and visual resources. Peter Obi’s image is given salience to show that he is the represented participant. Figure 3 constructs the frame: Peter Obi is not corrupt. The text producer portrays Obi as different from other Nigerian politicians by labelling him as the “first” of his kind. Nigerian politicians are, largely, perceived as corrupt. Thus, by presenting Obi as someone who does not have cases of corruption/“embezzlement” hanging on his neck, the text producer portrays the LP candidate as distinct. This is buttressed, in the image, by the empty space in the frame, which, possibly, suggests separation from other corrupt politicians. In addition, Obi’s image is presented in an oblique angle and medium long shot, to show detachment and social distance. This reinforces the text producer’s position that Obi belongs to a different class from other corrupt Nigerian politicians. The keywords “first politician in Nigeria … ” also seeks to portray the LP presidential candidate as a political trail blazer. In addition, the posture of holding a red rose depicts the LP presidential candidate as loving and compassionate. It presents Obi as someone who will, possibly, maintain close relationship with the people, i.e., a pro-people leader. These verbal and visual resources are employed to advertise Obi as the most viable candidate in Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election.

Figure 3: 
First politician.
Figure 3:

First politician.

5.1.4 Peter Obi is a victim of INEC

Figure 4, the fourth individuated frame in this study, portrays Peter Obi as a victim of Nigerian electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Figure 4: 
INEC.
Figure 4:

INEC.

Figure 4 has both verbal and visual compositional value. The represented participants in the image are Peter Obi, the Labour Party (represented by its flag) and the INEC. The picture of Obi is saliently represented in a full-length posture in Figure 4. The image is also presented in a long shot to give the image of Peter Obi some prominence. Obi, the dominant participant in the image, is surrounded by an empty space. The image is also placed within a dull/sombre background. The placement of Obi within an empty space in the frame-line and within a dull background suggests separation and loneliness. The theme of loneliness, sadness or darkness is reinforced in the black clothing on the LP candidate. The smile on the face of Obi which is reflected in the mirror suggests the inner strength and determination of Obi to fight on regardless of what the external [f]actors throw at him. This argument is reinforced by the crown on the head of Peter Obi. A crown sometimes connotes power, authority, dominion, victory and legitimacy. By placing the crown on the head of Obi, the meme producer seeks to validate or legitimise his presidential candidacy. The frame: Peter Obi is a victim of INEC, is visually represented in the image by the shredded apparel on the LP candidate as well as the piercing by a sword or stabbing at the back. The torn clothe in this image also represents battering, oppression, intimidation and victimisation of the represented participant. The frame of victimisation of the LP candidate is verbally reinforced by the label INEC on the sword which pierced Obi. INEC, an acronym for the Independent National Electoral Commission, is a representation of Nigerian electoral body and process. By visually representing INEC as the sword that pierced Obi, the meme producer suggests that the Nigerian electoral umpire is responsible for damaging the political ambition of Peter Obi.

Apart from INEC, the text producer blames non-Obi supporters for the electoral woes of the LP. This is buttressed by the verbal resource: “so stupid to say Igbo wants to take over Lagos when there is no any Igbo governorship candidate (sic)”. These verbal resources reveal the endemic ethnic colourations/bigotry that characterise elections in Nigeria (Emoghene and Okolie 2020). In the wake of the presidential election, the primary supporters of the three major presidential candidates were drawn from their ethnic groups especially because each of them was from the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria: Peter Obi, LP, Igbo; Atiku Abubakar, PDP, Hausa; and Bola Tinubu, APC, Yoruba. However, each of them grew their support base by engaging in aggressive campaigns across ethnic divides. While Peter Obi was trying to penetrate into the south west, especially Lagos State which is regarded as the most cosmopolitan city in the region, non-supporters of the Obidient movement warned the people of Lagos State against supporting an Igbo candidate so that they (the Igbos) will not later turn around to overrun the south western state (Salau 2023). This hate campaign is believed to have had negative impact on the electoral outcome of the Labour Party in the 2023 general elections. Furthermore, the perceived stupid attitude of non-Obidient supporters is visually represented by the laughter emoticon in the image, which suggests mockery. By combining verbal and visual resources, therefore, the text producer strategically positively represents Peter Obi and blames the INEC as well as anti-Obidients for the non-actualisation of the presidential ambition of Peter Obi.

5.1.5 Peter Obi will be better President

Figure 5 is the first collective frame in this study. The represented participants in the image are the immediate past president of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari and the Labour Party Presidential candidate in the Nigerian 2023 general election, Peter Obi.

Figure 5: 
Buhari and Obi.
Figure 5:

Buhari and Obi.

Meaning is constructed in Figure 5 through only visual resources. In the image, Nigeria former President Buhari is portrayed as wanting to hand over to Peter Obi. This is visually represented in the manner in which the two characters hold on to the Nigerian flag, a major national symbol. The frame: Peter Obi will be a better President, is constructed in Figure 5. This is reinforced in the layout of the meme. Obi is placed on an elevated platform such that he appears higher than Buhari. This suggests unequal power relations in which Obi is portrayed as superior or better than the other participant. Also, impersonal social distance is expressed in the layout in the positioning of the two participants. This also portrays Obi as independent or ideologically/politically different from Buhari who is believed to be one of the worst presidents in Nigeria. This is also an attempt by the text producer to positively represent Obi while misrepresenting the former president. In addition, the map of Nigeria on which Buhari is placed is broken into patches. This is different from the clean map upon which Obi is placed. This also shows the representation of Obi, by the text producer, as capable of healing dissensions and making Nigeria a whole and united country, in contrast to Buhari whose administration was widely accused of encouraging divisions, nepotism and bigotry.

More import, the text producer uses a religious theme to legitimize the presidential candidacy of Obi. This is expressed in the way the LP candidate is portrayed as one descending from heaven in the layout of the meme. This layout conceptualises the biblical account of the encounter of Jacob with God in the book of Genesis 32: 22–31. The biblical account states that Jacob dreamt and saw angels descending from and ascending to heaven through a ladder. The outcome of that encounter is that God changed the name of Jacob to Israel and pronounced heavenly blessings on him. The ladder in Figure 5 also looks like one descending from heaven. The heavenly atmosphere is reinforced by the blue themed background of the image. This seeks to create the impression that the candidacy of Peter Obi is divine and that he has also received some heavenly blessings or divine roadmap, represented visually by the book in his hand, to redeem Nigeria. On a closer look, Figure 5 also conceptualises the new Jerusalem, descending from heaven as recorded in the Holy Bible, Revelations 21: 2. This is expressed in the way the map of Nigeria is crafted in the topmost part of the heaven portrayed in the meme. In the Biblical new Jerusalem, there is orderliness and peaceful co-existence. Peter Obi is portrayed as the one who can actualize this new Jerusalem (Nigeria) where there are no social-political problems such as terrorism which threatened the peace of Nigeria during the eight years of the administration of Buhari. Hence, the neat and unbroken state of the two Nigerian maps around him.

5.1.6 God supports Labour Party

Figure 6 is another collective frame representing the three major political parties that participated in Nigeria 2023 general elections: the All Progressives Congress (APC), the Peoples Democractic Party (PDP) and the Labour Party (LP).

Figure 6: 
Labor.
Figure 6:

Labor.

In Figure 6, the text producer positively represents the Labour Party while the APC and PDP are negatively represented. The negative representation of these two opposition parties is done by placing their party logos on the verbal resource “thief”. Obidients deploy religious themes to legitimize the presidential aspiration of Peter Obi. This is achieved through the reference to the Holy Bible, Ephesians 4:28. The text producer puts salience on the word “LABOR” in the Bible verse to indicate that God approves of the mandate of the Labour Party. This is reinforced by the verbal resource “let him labor” which is a divine commandment and a prerequisite to happy living. While the biblical pronouncement on the Labour Party is an affirmation, the pronouncement on the thief (APC and PDP) is that of negation and disapproval “let the thief no longer steal”. In a related vein, the picture of a crowd holding Nigerian flags is placed beside the Bible verse that is used to validate the presidential ambition of Peter Obi. This layout echoes the Latin phrase: vox populi, vox dei meaning [the voice of the people is the voice of God]. This is an attempt by the Obidients to claim that the heaven and earth, spiritual and physical forces have approved of the candidacy of Obi. Moreover, referencing a Bible verse in order to validate the presidential ambition of Peter Obi reinforces the socio-cultural religious politics that holds sway in Nigeria. Oftentimes, political stakeholders deploy religion to whip up sentiments/appeal to the sensibilities of the electorate in order to gather votes at the polls.

5.1.7 The Obidient movement is a threat

Figure 7 is a collective frame which also contains all the major political parties in the 2023 general elections as represented participants.

Figure 7: 
Atiku and Tinubu.
Figure 7:

Atiku and Tinubu.

Figure 7 comprises both verbal and visual compositional value. It is reproduced to positively represent Peter Obi and the Obidient movement as a valid alternative to the PDP and APC. The meme is reproduced from the remixed images of the presidential candidates of the PDP and APC, Atiku Abubakar and Bola Tinubu while the third represented participant is verbally specified in the keyword “Obidient movement”. Figure 7 is taken at a frontal angle which indicates involvement, and close social distance to show that the two visually represented participants share an intimate relationship. The intimate social distance is reinforced by the eye-level angle from which the two presidential candidates are presented. The eye-level angle indicates equality between the two participants. The intimate social distance as well as equality established in this image may not be unconnected with the reference to the two political parties, and by extension their candidates, as “thief” in Figure 6. Hence, the text producer projects that the two candidates have similar ideologies of corruption. In addition, while there is no social distance between PDP and APC, there is a social distance between the two parties and the third, LP, represented as the Obidient movement. Atiku and Tinubu are visually placed together with an empty space separating them and the verbal resource: Obidient movement. This suggests that an impersonal relationship exists between the two parties and the Obidients. This argument is plausible because while the PDP and the APC have a reputation of always participating in and producing Nigeria President in successive presidential elections, the LP is somewhat new to national politics in Nigeria. For example, the PDP presidential candidates ruled Nigeria from 1999 to 2015, 16 unbroken years of democracy in Nigeria while the candidate of the APC ruled for eight years, from 2015 to 2023. However, this is the first time, since Nigeria returned to democratic governance in 1999, that there will be a third viable political party whose emergence will have such a significant effect, and whose existence will challenge the almost established, albeit unconstitutional, two-party system in the country. Also, the combined 23 years of PDP and APC rule is largely perceived as corrupt, anti-people and anti-progress (Bello and Famoroti 2023; Ogbulafor 2018). Hence, the meme producer seeks to portray the Obidient as a breath of freshness that will interrupt the 23 years of perceived democratic misrule.

The frame: the Obidient movement is a threat, is visually constructed in the expression of worry on the faces of the PDP and APC candidates. Atiku of the PDP is portrayed wearing a stern look while the unhappy countenance of Tinubu is buttressed by the posture of putting one hand under the chin in a manner that suggests deep thinking. This is reinforced by the verbal resource “united to stop Obidient movement”. The need for the candidates of the two major political parties in Nigeria to “unite” to be able to stop the Obidients underscores the formidability of the movement. The need for the PDP and the APC to unite to be able to dislodge the Obidient movement is emphasised in: “as one, we can get it done”. Hence, the meme producer suggests that a combination of the two major political parties in Nigeria cannot boast of the political strength of the Obidient movement.

5.1.8 Obidients (Peter Obi) will bring succour

Figure 8 is another collective frame. Like the previous collective frames already analysed, it seeks to give a positive representation to the Obidient movement, vis-à-vis, the Labour Party and its presidential candidate in the 2023 presidential election. Like in the previous memes too, the three major contending political parties in the election, APC, LP and PDP are the represented participants in the meme.

Figure 8: 
PDAPC.
Figure 8:

PDAPC.

The low-level angle is used to indicate participant power in Figure 8. The positioning of the face of the character labelled Obidient above the head of the second participant labelled PDAPC seeks to extend unequal power relations between the represented participants, and essentially, the superiority of the Obidient or Labour Party to the other major political parties in Nigeria 2023 presidential election. Also, the text producer uses the frontal and oblique angles together to reinforce unequal power relations. The participant labelled Obidient is presented in a frontal angle to show control, popularity and prominence. This is supported by the use of the face of a popular Nigerian celebrity and brand influencer, Osita Iheme. In contrast, the candidate labelled PDAPC is portrayed in an oblique angle and is also visually represented by an unpopular face and blurry image. This is a strategy employed by the meme producer to obscure the represented participant(s); i.e., the PDP and APC. More important, the text producer abbreviates the acronyms for the two major political parties, PDP and APC to form PDAPC. Thus, the meme producer adopts linguistic blending as a discursive strategy to shrink the identity of the two major political parties in Nigeria. This is a further attempt by the meme producer to portray the PDP and APC as less powerful and to show that a combination of both political parties is still no match to the Obidient or the LP.

Furthermore, the representation of the two major parties in the Nigerian political space as a keyword PDAPC reinforces the earlier interpretation of Figure 6 where it is argued that the text producer, plausibly, sees the PDP and the APC as partners in progress in terms of political ideology [of corruption and misrule]. The frame: Obidient (LP) will bring succor, is constructed verbally in Figure 6 through the repetition of “don’t cry”. This is visually reinforced by the gesture of using a white handkerchief to wipe the tears of the participant labelled PDAPC. Also, the participant labelled Obidient is portrayed in a white apparel. The colour white, in this context, arguably, connotes purity, perfection, honesty, cleanness and new beginnings. On the contrary, the clothing of the second participants is blurry. This, arguably, connotes lack of distinct or clearly-defined identity/ideology. Like the white handkerchief, the verbal expression “don’t cry” is presented in a white background to create a difference between the verbal resource and the general blurry background of the image. The salience of colour white in the representation of participant labelled Obidient further suggests new beginnings, something different from the regular occurrence. It captures the expectations from many quarters in Nigeria, during the 2023 electioneering period, that the emergence of Peter Obi as the president of Nigeria will bring about positive change and a break from the status quo. It is noteworthy that the participant labelled Obidient is somewhat dressed like a medical doctor. A doctor connotes a physician, healer and one who is qualified to treat illnesses and diseases. By representing Obidient in the outfit of a medical doctor, the text producer creates the metaphor of Nigeria as a sick nation and the Obidient or Peter Obi as the healer. Apart from positively representing Peter Obi or the Obidient movement, the meme creator negatively represents the other political parties, PDP and APC as losers. This is visually represented by the gesture of weeping in the image.

5.1.9 Obi is the preferred candidate

The ninth collective frame analysed in this study seeks to positively represent the presidential candidate of the LP, Peter Obi, as the preferred candidate in Nigeria 2023 election.

Figure 9 is a stacked still image containing the pictures of the presidential candidates of the APC and LP and their spouses. The meme constructs the frame Peter Obi is the preferred candidate. To achieve this, the meme producer uses the frontal and low-level angles to indicate participant power. Peter Obi and his wife are presented in the frontal angle and a close shot in such a manner that their image gained more salience than that of Bola Tinubu and his wife. This represents unequal power relations and the dominance of/preference for the former couple. The verbal expression “what we ordered” reinforces the preference for Peter Obi. The use of pronoun polarization we versus they indicate inclusion and exclusion respectively. The pronoun we, plausibly, refers to the electorate, especially those who voted for Peter Obi, the Obidients and those who expected him to win the presidential election. However, the pronoun they, plausibly, refers to the electoral umpire, INEC, who has the constitutional right to declare a candidate as winner or otherwise in an election. The verbal expression “what they are imposing on us” suggests that the meme producer feels that the emergence of Tinubu as the winner of the presidential election is an imposition rather than the product of a democratic process. This is an attempt by the text producer at questioning the credibility of the electoral umpire.

Figure 9: 
What we ordered.
Figure 9:

What we ordered.

5.1.10 Obi is a patriot

Figure 10 is the sixth collective frame in this study. This frame, like the others, seeks to advertise the political character of the LP presidential candidate.

Figure 10: 
Atiku, Obi, Tinubu.
Figure 10:

Atiku, Obi, Tinubu.

The compositional value of Figure 10 contains visual and scanty verbal resources. The meme is a remixed image and the represented participants are the presidential candidates of the PDP, LP and APC. The meme is narrative in composition. It narrates the political character of the three major candidates in Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election. Atiku, of the PDP, is captured with a lot of money in his hands. The PDP presidential candidate is renowned for his capitalist disposition. He was believed to have supervised the privatisation of Nigeria’s major companies when he was Vice-President to Olusegun Obasanjo between 1999 and 2007. It was widely believed that if Atiku wins the presidential election, he would run the country like a merchandise and focus only on profiting from the country’s resources. Tinubu of the APC is pictured holding some corns. During the electioneering campaigns, the APC presidential candidate promised an agricultural revolution focusing on the massive production of cassava and maize. His campaign mantra was, consequently, changed to agbado (maize) revolution by people who felt that the APC candidate was bereft of feasible developmental ideas. Unlike the other presidential candidates, Peter Obi is captured holding a love-shaped item decorated with the Nigerian flag. The flag is a national symbol. Thus, the frame: Obi is a patriot is depicted from the visual representation of the LP candidate. A patriot is someone who loves their country and is willing to defend its cause. Furthermore, Figure 10 demands and offers. It demands that the interactive participants/target audience take informed decisions based on what the presidential candidates have to offer: political profiteering, patriotism or unrealistic campaign promises. This is reiterated by the keywords “choose wisely”.

6 Observations and conclusion

This study has attempted a multimodal framing analysis of the Obidient movement in Nigeria, with a view to exposing the way Internet memes are deployed to politically advertise Peter Obi, the Labour Party candidate in Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election. 40 Internet memes were purposively sampled from Nigerian WhatsApp platforms. The data were gathered between January and June 2023 representing the peak of the electioneering season in the last Nigerian general elections. The memes were analysed qualitatively using insights from Kress and van Leeuwen (2006) grammar of visual design and Kuypers (2002, 2009) rhetorical framing analysis. The findings reveal that the text producers deployed contextual variables such as labels, metaphors, visuals, salience and keywords to positively frame Peter Obi, the Obidient movement and the LP. The study also reveals that the text producers utilise semiotic concepts such as salience, social distance, attitude and framing to express their disposition towards the Obidient movement.

Through the appropriation of Kuypers (2002, 2009) rhetorical framing analysis, the study is able to identify and interpret ten frames, four of which are individuated while six are collective frames. The frames include: Obi is the deliverer; Obi is a reformer, Obi is not corrupt, Obi is a victim of INEC; Obi will be a better president; God supports Labour Party; the Obidient movement is a threat; Peter Obi/Obidients will bring succour; Obi is the preferred candidate; Obi is a patriot. This study, like Oyebode (2018), substantiate how multimodal resources can be strategically deployed to positively frame preferred political candidates. On the one hand, the text producers utilise verbal and visual resources to legitimize Obi’s candidacy and promote the Obidient movement. On the other hand, they (meme producers) discredit candidates of the opposition parties, especially the APC and PDP, their supporters as well as those who did not support Peter Obi’s presidential ambition. This is actualized through verbal resources such as “thief” and “stupid”.

It is noteworthy that even though the Obidients claim to represent a new political order, they also use abusive expressions in their representation of perceived oppositions. The attitude of painting one’s preferred candidate in bright colours while magnifying the negative attributes of/using hate language on perceived opposition is a regular feature of political campaigns in Nigeria (Sunday 2021). It is, therefore, arguable, that rather than a third force whose target is indeed to initiate a new political beginning, as visually and verbally represented in the memes, the Obidient movement may actually include some regrouped/recycled politicians whose only concern is to wrestle power from the two established political parties; i.e., APC and PDP, considering that they did not handle their campaigns in a different manner from what has almost become the political norm.

In addition, the Obidients are portrayed as the victim. The text producer(s) project that the INEC robbed the LP candidate of the presidential seat. The sense of entitlement is buttressed in “what we ordered”. The perceived culpability of the electoral umpire is visually represented in the data by the way INEC is presented as the sword which stabbed Obi in the back in Figure 2, as well as the verbal resource: “what they are imposing on us” in Figure 7. Apart from name-calling those who failed to support Obi because he is Igbo, the study shows that the Obidients whipped up religious sentiments. In several instances, they used Bible references as well as symbols in the Christian religion, such as the white garment and the cross, to validate the candidacy of Peter Obi. This reveals broader socio-cultural realities, especially the preponderance of religious and ethnic politics, in the Nigerian context. The study concludes that the memes are produced to advertise Obi as the best thing that would have happened to Nigeria as well as portray the LP presidential candidate as a victim of an incredible electoral process. This study has examined a qualitative framing analysis of the Obidient movement focusing on how Internet memes were used to positively frame Peter Obi. Future studies may investigate more memes from a quantitative approach. This will shed more light on the perception of Nigerians about the Obidient movement, which seems to have survived in spite of the loss of their candidate in Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election.


Corresponding author: Oluwayemisi Olusola Adebomi, General Studies Department, University of Bonn, Germany & Federal University of Technology, Akure, Nigeria, E-mail:

About the author

Oluwayemisi Olusola Adebomi

Oluwayemisi Olusola Adebomi, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in the General Studies Department of the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA). Her research interests lie in discourse, new media and gender studies. She was a visiting researcher at the Department of English and American Studies, University of Hamburg and is currently at the Department of English, American and Celtic Studies, University of Bonn, Germany for her postdoctoral training sponsored by the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation. She has received the African-German Network of Excellence in Science (AGNES) research award and the postdoctoral (individual) fellowship of the Merian Institute for Advanced Studies in Africa (MIASA), funded by the Universities of Ghana and Freiburg, Germany. Some of her research outcomes have appeared in reputable journals including: Language and Semiotic Studies, LinguistikOnline, Marang: Journal of Language and Literature, Language Matters, Journal of African Media Studies, African Identities, Discourse & Society and Metaphor and the Social World.

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Received: 2024-11-08
Accepted: 2024-12-02
Published Online: 2025-01-14
Published in Print: 2025-03-26

© 2024 the author(s), published by De Gruyter on behalf of Soochow University

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

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