Pseudo-coordination and cu-finite construction in Salento: a case of syntactic reanalysis
-
Carmelina Toscano
Abstract
In Southern Italo-Romance varieties, when the main verb (V1) is modal, aspectual, or a movement verb, it combines with a second finite verb (V2) through juxtaposition or through the linkers e or a (e.g., lu vaju e / a / ø mangiu, lit. ‘it go and / to / ø eat’; ‘I go to eat it’). This structure, known as pseudo-coordination (PseCo), exhibits monoclausal properties, as evidenced by clitic climbing, shared subject, and the inflectional and temporal features shared between the two verbs (Cardinaletti/Giusti 2001, 2003). However, in Salento varieties, cases have been observed where these features are violated, suggesting a biclausal structure (Manzini/Lorusso/Savoia 2017). This study proposes that such cases are linked to finite mood constructions introduced by COMP cu, known for its biclausal nature, marked by the absence of clitic climbing and lack of temporal agreement between the verbs (e.g., vulia cu llu fazzu, lit. ‘(I) wanted that it do’, ‘I wanted to do it’). The ability to omit cu from the surface structure results in structures superficially similar to asyndetic PseCo, but traceable to the COMP structure, thus retaining biclausal properties. In some cases in the Brindisi variety in which the omission of cu on the surface leads to a deep deletion (Ledgeway 2012; 2015), asyndetic PseCo (e.g., ogghiu viu, ‘I want to see’) and structures with the deleted COMP (e.g., ogghiu viu, ‘I want to see’) became fully overlapping. This suggests that the original structure with deleted COMP may have been reanalyzed as PseCo. In this process, the linker a would have been newly introduced between V1 and V2, where previously there was cu.
Abstract
In Southern Italo-Romance varieties, when the main verb (V1) is modal, aspectual, or a movement verb, it combines with a second finite verb (V2) through juxtaposition or through the linkers e or a (e.g., lu vaju e / a / ø mangiu, lit. ‘it go and / to / ø eat’; ‘I go to eat it’). This structure, known as pseudo-coordination (PseCo), exhibits monoclausal properties, as evidenced by clitic climbing, shared subject, and the inflectional and temporal features shared between the two verbs (Cardinaletti/Giusti 2001, 2003). However, in Salento varieties, cases have been observed where these features are violated, suggesting a biclausal structure (Manzini/Lorusso/Savoia 2017). This study proposes that such cases are linked to finite mood constructions introduced by COMP cu, known for its biclausal nature, marked by the absence of clitic climbing and lack of temporal agreement between the verbs (e.g., vulia cu llu fazzu, lit. ‘(I) wanted that it do’, ‘I wanted to do it’). The ability to omit cu from the surface structure results in structures superficially similar to asyndetic PseCo, but traceable to the COMP structure, thus retaining biclausal properties. In some cases in the Brindisi variety in which the omission of cu on the surface leads to a deep deletion (Ledgeway 2012; 2015), asyndetic PseCo (e.g., ogghiu viu, ‘I want to see’) and structures with the deleted COMP (e.g., ogghiu viu, ‘I want to see’) became fully overlapping. This suggests that the original structure with deleted COMP may have been reanalyzed as PseCo. In this process, the linker a would have been newly introduced between V1 and V2, where previously there was cu.
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- Introduction 1
- Variation and change in transitivity alternations and argument realization in Italo-Romance 9
- Syntactic and functional broadening of the reflexive markers in Romance: for a typological approach 33
- The prosodic features of pragmatic chillo in Neapolitan: implications for syntax and diachrony 55
- On the surprising origin of what-particles in Italian dialects 79
- On the evolution of mesoclisis in the imperative in Western Lombard varieties 107
- Inflectional classes in Istriot: a first systematisation in diachrony and synchrony 127
- Parlare le cose: structural aspects and syntactic-semantic disambiguation of some Italo-Romance verba dicendi in a diachronic and synchronic perspective 143
- The mass neuter of Praianese: new data and some insights 163
- Differential possessive marking in Italo-Romance 187
- On the feminine plural definite article and the interrogative conjugation in the dialect of Berbenno (BG) 213
- Pseudo-coordination and cu-finite construction in Salento: a case of syntactic reanalysis 233
- Differential object marking in the dialects of Southern Calabria 255
- Language index
- Name index
- Subject index
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- Contents V
- Introduction 1
- Variation and change in transitivity alternations and argument realization in Italo-Romance 9
- Syntactic and functional broadening of the reflexive markers in Romance: for a typological approach 33
- The prosodic features of pragmatic chillo in Neapolitan: implications for syntax and diachrony 55
- On the surprising origin of what-particles in Italian dialects 79
- On the evolution of mesoclisis in the imperative in Western Lombard varieties 107
- Inflectional classes in Istriot: a first systematisation in diachrony and synchrony 127
- Parlare le cose: structural aspects and syntactic-semantic disambiguation of some Italo-Romance verba dicendi in a diachronic and synchronic perspective 143
- The mass neuter of Praianese: new data and some insights 163
- Differential possessive marking in Italo-Romance 187
- On the feminine plural definite article and the interrogative conjugation in the dialect of Berbenno (BG) 213
- Pseudo-coordination and cu-finite construction in Salento: a case of syntactic reanalysis 233
- Differential object marking in the dialects of Southern Calabria 255
- Language index
- Name index
- Subject index
