20 Non-verbal predication in Guaycuruan and Mataguayan
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Alejandra Vidal
Abstract
In this paper, we explore non-verbal predication structures in eight languages from two linguistic families in the South American Gran Chaco: Guaycuruan and Mataguayan. Our motivation for this comparative analysis arises from the linguistic diversity of the Chaco region, marked by a history of linguistic contact and borrowing. While non-verbal predication has received limited attention in descriptive grammars of Guaycuruan and Mataguayan languages, and some comparative work has been done, certain semantic types such as identity and inclusion were left unexplored. Our analysis takes a semantic approach to linguistic expressions, encompassing functional and semantic aspects within non-verbal predication. We categorize non-verbal predicates into three semantic groups: inclusion and identity predication (including certain color and dimension adjectival predicates in Guaycuruan languages Qom and Pilaga), locational (plain-locational and inverse-locational), and possessive. Notably, inverse-locational and possessive predication predominantly involve the use of existential constructions establishing a formal semantic connection among these three domains. The constructions employed to convey inclusion and identity predication include juxtaposition, inflected nouns, and the copula. Lastly, we briefly discuss shared structural features, reinforcing the notion that linguistic contact has led to the adoption of certain patterns across Guaycuruan and Mataguayan languages.
Abstract
In this paper, we explore non-verbal predication structures in eight languages from two linguistic families in the South American Gran Chaco: Guaycuruan and Mataguayan. Our motivation for this comparative analysis arises from the linguistic diversity of the Chaco region, marked by a history of linguistic contact and borrowing. While non-verbal predication has received limited attention in descriptive grammars of Guaycuruan and Mataguayan languages, and some comparative work has been done, certain semantic types such as identity and inclusion were left unexplored. Our analysis takes a semantic approach to linguistic expressions, encompassing functional and semantic aspects within non-verbal predication. We categorize non-verbal predicates into three semantic groups: inclusion and identity predication (including certain color and dimension adjectival predicates in Guaycuruan languages Qom and Pilaga), locational (plain-locational and inverse-locational), and possessive. Notably, inverse-locational and possessive predication predominantly involve the use of existential constructions establishing a formal semantic connection among these three domains. The constructions employed to convey inclusion and identity predication include juxtaposition, inflected nouns, and the copula. Lastly, we briefly discuss shared structural features, reinforcing the notion that linguistic contact has led to the adoption of certain patterns across Guaycuruan and Mataguayan languages.
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- List of the Authors V
- Acknowledgments
- Contents IX
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Part I: Setting the stage
- 1 Non-verbal predication: An analytical framework 1
- 2 A diachronic view on non-verbal predication 57
- 3 Crucial issues in non-verbal predication: A questionnaire 87
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Part II: Case studies
- 4 Non-verbal predication in Caijia and Waxiang: A Southeast Asian perspective 91
- 5 Non-verbal predication in Siyuewu Khroskyabs 129
- 6 Non-verbal predication in Uralic 155
- 7 Non-verbal predication in Turkic languages 195
- 8 Non-verbal predication in the so-called Paleosiberian languages 239
- 9 Non-verbal predication in Tungusic languages 275
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North America
- 10 Non-verbal predication in the Yupik-Inuktitut-Unangan (Eskimo-Aleut) family 313
- 11 Non-verbal predication in Western Apache (Athabaskan/Dene), with comparisons to Hän Athabaskan 353
- 12 Non-verbal predication in Algonquian languages 385
- 13 Non-verbal predication in Lushootseed (Salishan) 429
- 14 Non-verbal predication in Uto-Aztecan languages from northwestern Mexico 463
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South America
- 15 Verbless clauses and copula clauses in Arawak languages 505
- 16 Non-verbal predication in Tupian, especially Tupí-Guaraní languages 541
- 17 Non-verbal predication in Zaparoan languages 581
- 18 Non-verbal predication in Chicham 625
- 19 Non-verbal predication in the Pano languages of Western Amazonia 653
- 20 Non-verbal predication in Guaycuruan and Mataguayan 697
- 21 Non-verbal predication in Old Zamuco 743
Chapters in this book
- Frontmatter I
- List of the Authors V
- Acknowledgments
- Contents IX
-
Part I: Setting the stage
- 1 Non-verbal predication: An analytical framework 1
- 2 A diachronic view on non-verbal predication 57
- 3 Crucial issues in non-verbal predication: A questionnaire 87
-
Part II: Case studies
- 4 Non-verbal predication in Caijia and Waxiang: A Southeast Asian perspective 91
- 5 Non-verbal predication in Siyuewu Khroskyabs 129
- 6 Non-verbal predication in Uralic 155
- 7 Non-verbal predication in Turkic languages 195
- 8 Non-verbal predication in the so-called Paleosiberian languages 239
- 9 Non-verbal predication in Tungusic languages 275
-
North America
- 10 Non-verbal predication in the Yupik-Inuktitut-Unangan (Eskimo-Aleut) family 313
- 11 Non-verbal predication in Western Apache (Athabaskan/Dene), with comparisons to Hän Athabaskan 353
- 12 Non-verbal predication in Algonquian languages 385
- 13 Non-verbal predication in Lushootseed (Salishan) 429
- 14 Non-verbal predication in Uto-Aztecan languages from northwestern Mexico 463
-
South America
- 15 Verbless clauses and copula clauses in Arawak languages 505
- 16 Non-verbal predication in Tupian, especially Tupí-Guaraní languages 541
- 17 Non-verbal predication in Zaparoan languages 581
- 18 Non-verbal predication in Chicham 625
- 19 Non-verbal predication in the Pano languages of Western Amazonia 653
- 20 Non-verbal predication in Guaycuruan and Mataguayan 697
- 21 Non-verbal predication in Old Zamuco 743
