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One substrate, two creoles

The development of segmental inventories in St. Lucian and Haitian
  • Anne-Marie Brousseau
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Abstract

In this paper, I compare the segmental inventories of Haitian and St. Lucian with those of their contributing languages, in order to evaluate the impact of the substrate languages on the development of these systems. I show that the segmental inventories of the creoles display many features that were inherited from the Gbe languages through transfer, which suggests a massive impact of the substrate in the development of the segmental inventories of the creoles. In a nutshell, the phonological systems of Haitian and St. Lucian appear as a compromise between those of their contributing languages, Fongbe and other Gbe languages (the substrate), and French (the superstrate). While both creoles have essentially the same vowel inventory as the substrate, their consonantal inventory is closer to the superstrate. This hybrid character of the creoles is similar to what is found in an interlanguage, in the more canonical cases of second language acquisition. I propose scenarios where the differences between the two creoles and their superstrate result from phonological and phonetic processes that are typical of interlanguages – e.g., segmental substitution under phonological equivalence, transfer of L1 allophonic rules. The scenarios assume that the emergence of a creole is a particular case of second language acquisition (Andersen 1983). They also assume the Full Transfer/Full Access model of Second Language Acquisition (Schwartz & Sprouse 1996; White 2000), according to which second language learners assume the grammar of L1 as a starting point – Full Transfer – and progressively restructure this initial grammar using principles and parameters of Universal Grammar – Full Access. It is shown that the features of the substrates have guided the acquisition (or non acquisition) of the segmental inventories of French, even in cases where Universal Grammar may have been at play.

Abstract

In this paper, I compare the segmental inventories of Haitian and St. Lucian with those of their contributing languages, in order to evaluate the impact of the substrate languages on the development of these systems. I show that the segmental inventories of the creoles display many features that were inherited from the Gbe languages through transfer, which suggests a massive impact of the substrate in the development of the segmental inventories of the creoles. In a nutshell, the phonological systems of Haitian and St. Lucian appear as a compromise between those of their contributing languages, Fongbe and other Gbe languages (the substrate), and French (the superstrate). While both creoles have essentially the same vowel inventory as the substrate, their consonantal inventory is closer to the superstrate. This hybrid character of the creoles is similar to what is found in an interlanguage, in the more canonical cases of second language acquisition. I propose scenarios where the differences between the two creoles and their superstrate result from phonological and phonetic processes that are typical of interlanguages – e.g., segmental substitution under phonological equivalence, transfer of L1 allophonic rules. The scenarios assume that the emergence of a creole is a particular case of second language acquisition (Andersen 1983). They also assume the Full Transfer/Full Access model of Second Language Acquisition (Schwartz & Sprouse 1996; White 2000), according to which second language learners assume the grammar of L1 as a starting point – Full Transfer – and progressively restructure this initial grammar using principles and parameters of Universal Grammar – Full Access. It is shown that the features of the substrates have guided the acquisition (or non acquisition) of the segmental inventories of French, even in cases where Universal Grammar may have been at play.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Preface ix
  4. Introduction
  5. The problem of the typological classification of creoles 3
  6. Creoles spoken in Africa and in the Caribbean
  7. Èdó influence on Santome 37
  8. A Wolof trace in the verbal system of the Portuguese Creole of Santiago Island (Cape Verde) 61
  9. Substrate influences in Kriyol 81
  10. One substrate, two creoles 105
  11. Substrate features in the properties of verbs in three Atlantic creoles 127
  12. Assessing the nature and role of substrate influence in the formation and development of the creoles of Suriname 155
  13. African substratal influence on the counterfactual in Belizean Creole 181
  14. Substrate features in Nicaraguan, Providence and San Andrés Creole Englishes 201
  15. Palenque(ro) 225
  16. Creoles spoken in Asia
  17. Convergence-to-substratum and the passives in Singapore English 253
  18. Tone in Singlish 271
  19. The Cantonese substrate in China Coast Pidgin 289
  20. Substrate influences in Mindanao Chabacano 303
  21. Negation in Ternate Chabacano 325
  22. Aspect and directionality in Kupang Malay serial verb constructions 337
  23. Sri Lanka Malay and its Lankan adstrates 367
  24. Dravidian features in the Sri Lankan Malay verb 383
  25. Creoles spoken in the Pacific
  26. Papuan Malay of New Guinea 413
  27. The influence of Arandic languages on Central Australian Aboriginal English 437
  28. Roper River Aboriginal language features in Australian Kriol 461
  29. Substrate influences on New South Wales Pidgin 489
  30. Limits of the substrate 513
  31. Substrate reinforcement and the retention of Pan-Pacific Pidgin features in modern contact varieties 531
  32. The copula in Hawai‘i Creole English and substrate reinforcement 557
  33. “On traduit la langue en français” 575
  34. Conclusion
  35. Creoles and language typology 599
  36. Index of authors 613
  37. Index of languages and language families 619
  38. Index of subjects 623
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