Referentiality in Spanish CPs
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Carlos de Cuba
Abstract
In this paper, we discuss the CP domain of embedded clauses in Spanish, specifically in the realm of que+embedded question constructions first discussed in Plann (1982). We argue for the existence of (at least) two distinct CP layers (following previous work by Lahiri 2002, Demonte & Fernández-Soriano 2009, and Suñer 1991, 1993). Following Suñer (1991, 1993), we argue that there are two semantically distinct classes of embedded clauses, although we depart from her by claiming that the relevant distinction should be formulated in terms of referentiality. We claim that her ‘true indirect questions’ are just one case of a non-referential embedded CP (another being a non-referential sentential complement to a non-factive verb). Moreover, we provide evidence that this difference in referentiality corresponds to a structural difference as well: embedded referential CPs have less structure than non-referential embedded CPs. We also offer a classification of embedded clauses based on the presence or absence of an extra CP layer (cP) and the presence or absence of a question operator. Finally, we suggest that the overt spell-out of the non-referential head in Spanish embedded clauses is conditioned by the presence of a particular speech-act operator. Keywords: Spanish; indirect questions; factive and non-factive complements; referentiality; CP layers
Abstract
In this paper, we discuss the CP domain of embedded clauses in Spanish, specifically in the realm of que+embedded question constructions first discussed in Plann (1982). We argue for the existence of (at least) two distinct CP layers (following previous work by Lahiri 2002, Demonte & Fernández-Soriano 2009, and Suñer 1991, 1993). Following Suñer (1991, 1993), we argue that there are two semantically distinct classes of embedded clauses, although we depart from her by claiming that the relevant distinction should be formulated in terms of referentiality. We claim that her ‘true indirect questions’ are just one case of a non-referential embedded CP (another being a non-referential sentential complement to a non-factive verb). Moreover, we provide evidence that this difference in referentiality corresponds to a structural difference as well: embedded referential CPs have less structure than non-referential embedded CPs. We also offer a classification of embedded clauses based on the presence or absence of an extra CP layer (cP) and the presence or absence of a question operator. Finally, we suggest that the overt spell-out of the non-referential head in Spanish embedded clauses is conditioned by the presence of a particular speech-act operator. Keywords: Spanish; indirect questions; factive and non-factive complements; referentiality; CP layers
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Information structure, agreement and CP 1
- The complementiser system in spoken English 11
- ‘Phasing’ contrast at the interfaces 55
- The alternation between improper indirect questions and DPs containing a restrictive relative 83
- Referentiality in Spanish CPs 117
- Binding at the syntax-information structure interface 141
- Deriving “wh-in-situ” through movement in Brazilian Portuguese 175
- On ‘focus movement’ in Italian 193
- Clause-typing by [2] – the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialects 217
- Degree phrase raising in relative clauses 255
- Low, high and higher applicatives 275
- On richness of tense and verb movement in Brazilian Portuguese 297
- Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages 319
- On sloppy readings, ellipsis and pronouns 337
- Index 371
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Information structure, agreement and CP 1
- The complementiser system in spoken English 11
- ‘Phasing’ contrast at the interfaces 55
- The alternation between improper indirect questions and DPs containing a restrictive relative 83
- Referentiality in Spanish CPs 117
- Binding at the syntax-information structure interface 141
- Deriving “wh-in-situ” through movement in Brazilian Portuguese 175
- On ‘focus movement’ in Italian 193
- Clause-typing by [2] – the loss of the 2nd person pronoun du 'you' in Dutch, Frisian and Limburgian dialects 217
- Degree phrase raising in relative clauses 255
- Low, high and higher applicatives 275
- On richness of tense and verb movement in Brazilian Portuguese 297
- Vocalic adjustments under positional markedness in Catalan and other Romance languages 319
- On sloppy readings, ellipsis and pronouns 337
- Index 371
