The inference of temporal persistence and the individual/stage level distinction
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Silvia Gumiel-Molina
Abstract
In this paper we propose that the differences between ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ predications traditionally associated with the individual-level/stagelevel (IL/SL) distinction (having to do with their differing combinations with adverbs quantifying over situations, locative and temporal modifiers, etc.) can be explained without arguing that ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ sentences have different event/aspect/Aktionsart-related properties. Specifically, we claim that in copular sentences with adjectival complements, the different kinds of elements that build up the comparison class needed to evaluate adjectival properties can account for the IL/SL character of the predication and that, specifically, the IL/SL distinction is linked to the relative/absolute distinction. This proposal, together with the hypothesis that relative adjectives trigger by default an inference of temporal persistence, can account for all the aforementioned differences between ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ sentences. We thus argue for an extension of the explanatory value of the individual/stage-level distinction to the domain of gradability.
Abstract
In this paper we propose that the differences between ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ predications traditionally associated with the individual-level/stagelevel (IL/SL) distinction (having to do with their differing combinations with adverbs quantifying over situations, locative and temporal modifiers, etc.) can be explained without arguing that ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ sentences have different event/aspect/Aktionsart-related properties. Specifically, we claim that in copular sentences with adjectival complements, the different kinds of elements that build up the comparison class needed to evaluate adjectival properties can account for the IL/SL character of the predication and that, specifically, the IL/SL distinction is linked to the relative/absolute distinction. This proposal, together with the hypothesis that relative adjectives trigger by default an inference of temporal persistence, can account for all the aforementioned differences between ser ‘beSER’ and estar ‘beESTAR’ sentences. We thus argue for an extension of the explanatory value of the individual/stage-level distinction to the domain of gradability.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Ser and estar 1
-
Ser and estar and aspect
- More than a copula 23
- Ser, estar and two different modifiers 51
- Sentences as predicates 85
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Ser and estar beyond aspect
- The inference of temporal persistence and the individual/stage level distinction 119
- Location and the estar/ser alternation 147
- What do Spanish copulas have in common with Tibetan evidentials? 173
- On word order in Spanish copular sentences 203
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The extension and loss of copulas
- Origins and development of adjectival passives in Spanish 239
- Eventive and stative passives and copula selection in Canadian and American Heritage Speaker Spanish 267
- The development and use of the Spanish copula with adjectives by Korean-speaking learners 293
- Index 325
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Ser and estar 1
-
Ser and estar and aspect
- More than a copula 23
- Ser, estar and two different modifiers 51
- Sentences as predicates 85
-
Ser and estar beyond aspect
- The inference of temporal persistence and the individual/stage level distinction 119
- Location and the estar/ser alternation 147
- What do Spanish copulas have in common with Tibetan evidentials? 173
- On word order in Spanish copular sentences 203
-
The extension and loss of copulas
- Origins and development of adjectival passives in Spanish 239
- Eventive and stative passives and copula selection in Canadian and American Heritage Speaker Spanish 267
- The development and use of the Spanish copula with adjectives by Korean-speaking learners 293
- Index 325
