Eventive and stative passives and copula selection in Canadian and American Heritage Speaker Spanish
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Elena Valenzuela
Abstract
Spanish captures the difference between eventive and stative passives via an obligatory choice between two copula; verbal passives take the copula ser and adjectival passives take the copula estar. In this study, we compare and contrast US and Canadian heritage speakers of Spanish on their knowledge of this difference in relation to copula choice in Spanish. The backgrounds of the target groups differ significantly from each other in that only one of them, the Canadian group, has grown up in a societal multilingual environment. We discuss the results as being supportive of two non-mutually exclusive explanation factors: (a) French facilitates (bootstraps) the acquisition of eventive and stative passives and/or (b) the US/Canadian HS differences (e.g. status of bilingualism and the languages at stake) is a reflection of the uniqueness of the language contact situations and the effects this has on the input HSs receive.
Abstract
Spanish captures the difference between eventive and stative passives via an obligatory choice between two copula; verbal passives take the copula ser and adjectival passives take the copula estar. In this study, we compare and contrast US and Canadian heritage speakers of Spanish on their knowledge of this difference in relation to copula choice in Spanish. The backgrounds of the target groups differ significantly from each other in that only one of them, the Canadian group, has grown up in a societal multilingual environment. We discuss the results as being supportive of two non-mutually exclusive explanation factors: (a) French facilitates (bootstraps) the acquisition of eventive and stative passives and/or (b) the US/Canadian HS differences (e.g. status of bilingualism and the languages at stake) is a reflection of the uniqueness of the language contact situations and the effects this has on the input HSs receive.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Ser and estar 1
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Ser and estar and aspect
- More than a copula 23
- Ser, estar and two different modifiers 51
- Sentences as predicates 85
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Ser and estar beyond aspect
- The inference of temporal persistence and the individual/stage level distinction 119
- Location and the estar/ser alternation 147
- What do Spanish copulas have in common with Tibetan evidentials? 173
- On word order in Spanish copular sentences 203
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The extension and loss of copulas
- Origins and development of adjectival passives in Spanish 239
- Eventive and stative passives and copula selection in Canadian and American Heritage Speaker Spanish 267
- The development and use of the Spanish copula with adjectives by Korean-speaking learners 293
- Index 325
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Ser and estar 1
-
Ser and estar and aspect
- More than a copula 23
- Ser, estar and two different modifiers 51
- Sentences as predicates 85
-
Ser and estar beyond aspect
- The inference of temporal persistence and the individual/stage level distinction 119
- Location and the estar/ser alternation 147
- What do Spanish copulas have in common with Tibetan evidentials? 173
- On word order in Spanish copular sentences 203
-
The extension and loss of copulas
- Origins and development of adjectival passives in Spanish 239
- Eventive and stative passives and copula selection in Canadian and American Heritage Speaker Spanish 267
- The development and use of the Spanish copula with adjectives by Korean-speaking learners 293
- Index 325