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More than a copula

complex predicates with estar and the clitic se
  • Luis García Fernández and Diana Gómez Vázquez
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Abstract

This paper aims to provide an analysis of the construction consisting of the clitic se and the copula estar ‘beESTAR’ followed by an adjective (estarse + A) in Spanish. Combining the clitic with the copula triggers two changes in ‘estar + A’ predicates: first, it modifies the eventive structure and, as a consequence, a complex event is obtained that consists of an achievement followed by a result state; and second, it modifies the thematic role of the subject entity from theme to agent by increasing its degree of involvement in the event. This effect of the clitic is not limited to the copula estar ‘beESTAR’, but rather there is a parallel in other predicates with consumption verbs such as comer ‘to eat’ and movement verbs such as salir ‘to leave’.

Abstract

This paper aims to provide an analysis of the construction consisting of the clitic se and the copula estar ‘beESTAR’ followed by an adjective (estarse + A) in Spanish. Combining the clitic with the copula triggers two changes in ‘estar + A’ predicates: first, it modifies the eventive structure and, as a consequence, a complex event is obtained that consists of an achievement followed by a result state; and second, it modifies the thematic role of the subject entity from theme to agent by increasing its degree of involvement in the event. This effect of the clitic is not limited to the copula estar ‘beESTAR’, but rather there is a parallel in other predicates with consumption verbs such as comer ‘to eat’ and movement verbs such as salir ‘to leave’.

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