Mood feature as case licenser in Modern Standard Arabic
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Tommi Tsz-Cheung Leung
Abstract
Starting from the Government and Binding Theory until the Minimalist Program, it is assumed that structural case (i.e. nominative and accusative case) is assigned to an NP argument through its structural relation with a case assigner. Nominative case is assigned by the finite inflection or is licensed by the phi-features of Tense, whereas accusative case is assigned by the selecting verb. This paper argues from the observation of complementizers in Modern Standard Arabic that structural case is licensed by the mood feature that originates in the complementizer, instead of by the tense feature. Evidence is collected from (i) the case of complementizer agreement, (ii) the study of ʔinna and her sisters’, (iii) the pronoun clitics, and (iv) the morphological correspondence between mood and case. The case-assigning capacity of the complementizer supports the recent analysis of Complementizer-Tense agreement relation, couched within the Probe-Goal theory of derivational syntax.
Abstract
Starting from the Government and Binding Theory until the Minimalist Program, it is assumed that structural case (i.e. nominative and accusative case) is assigned to an NP argument through its structural relation with a case assigner. Nominative case is assigned by the finite inflection or is licensed by the phi-features of Tense, whereas accusative case is assigned by the selecting verb. This paper argues from the observation of complementizers in Modern Standard Arabic that structural case is licensed by the mood feature that originates in the complementizer, instead of by the tense feature. Evidence is collected from (i) the case of complementizer agreement, (ii) the study of ʔinna and her sisters’, (iii) the pronoun clitics, and (iv) the morphological correspondence between mood and case. The case-assigning capacity of the complementizer supports the recent analysis of Complementizer-Tense agreement relation, couched within the Probe-Goal theory of derivational syntax.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- Editors’ Introduction ix
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Part I. Phonetics & phonology
- Empirical evidence 3
- Regressive voicing assimilation in Cairene Arabic 21
- The phonology–syntax interface: 35
- Leading, linking, and closing tones and tunes in Egyptian Arabic – what a simple intonation system tells us about the nature of intonation 57
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Part II. Morphology & syntax
- Arabic agree, silent pronouns, and reciprocals 77
- Mood feature as case licenser in Modern Standard Arabic 127
- Extraction and deletion in Palestinian Arabic comparatives 149
- The verb kan ‘be’ in Moroccan Arabic 167
- Against the split-CP hypothesis 187
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Part III. Language acquisition, learning & contact
- Probability matching in Arabic and Romance morphology 205
- Gender differences in VOT production of Arabic/English bilingual children 245
- Phonological processing in diglossic Arabic 269
- Early acquisition of SVO and VSO word orders in Palestinian Colloquial Arabic 281
- Index 293
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- Editors’ Introduction ix
-
Part I. Phonetics & phonology
- Empirical evidence 3
- Regressive voicing assimilation in Cairene Arabic 21
- The phonology–syntax interface: 35
- Leading, linking, and closing tones and tunes in Egyptian Arabic – what a simple intonation system tells us about the nature of intonation 57
-
Part II. Morphology & syntax
- Arabic agree, silent pronouns, and reciprocals 77
- Mood feature as case licenser in Modern Standard Arabic 127
- Extraction and deletion in Palestinian Arabic comparatives 149
- The verb kan ‘be’ in Moroccan Arabic 167
- Against the split-CP hypothesis 187
-
Part III. Language acquisition, learning & contact
- Probability matching in Arabic and Romance morphology 205
- Gender differences in VOT production of Arabic/English bilingual children 245
- Phonological processing in diglossic Arabic 269
- Early acquisition of SVO and VSO word orders in Palestinian Colloquial Arabic 281
- Index 293
