Leading, linking, and closing tones and tunes in Egyptian Arabic – what a simple intonation system tells us about the nature of intonation
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Dina El Zarka
Abstract
This paper offers an analysis of the basic structure of the intonation system of Egyptian Arabic within an autosegmental framework. Contrary to mainstream work, it is assumed here that the primary units of intonation are not abstract targets but meaningful configurations. Intonation is thought of as an essentially iconic system. Thus three tonal configurations are identified in line with the metaphoric extensions of Ohala’s frequency code and correlated with pragmatic functions: A rising contour is characteristic for topic articulation, while a falling contour, signifying assertion, is used for the focal parts of an utterance. The third, neutral, tone is used for downplaying given material. The contours are obtained by manipulating the basic accent shape, a rise-fall, when associating the melody with the linguistic material. Manipulations are represented as features affecting the low and high targets of the individual accents.
Abstract
This paper offers an analysis of the basic structure of the intonation system of Egyptian Arabic within an autosegmental framework. Contrary to mainstream work, it is assumed here that the primary units of intonation are not abstract targets but meaningful configurations. Intonation is thought of as an essentially iconic system. Thus three tonal configurations are identified in line with the metaphoric extensions of Ohala’s frequency code and correlated with pragmatic functions: A rising contour is characteristic for topic articulation, while a falling contour, signifying assertion, is used for the focal parts of an utterance. The third, neutral, tone is used for downplaying given material. The contours are obtained by manipulating the basic accent shape, a rise-fall, when associating the melody with the linguistic material. Manipulations are represented as features affecting the low and high targets of the individual accents.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- Editors’ Introduction ix
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Part I. Phonetics & phonology
- Empirical evidence 3
- Regressive voicing assimilation in Cairene Arabic 21
- The phonology–syntax interface: 35
- Leading, linking, and closing tones and tunes in Egyptian Arabic – what a simple intonation system tells us about the nature of intonation 57
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Part II. Morphology & syntax
- Arabic agree, silent pronouns, and reciprocals 77
- Mood feature as case licenser in Modern Standard Arabic 127
- Extraction and deletion in Palestinian Arabic comparatives 149
- The verb kan ‘be’ in Moroccan Arabic 167
- Against the split-CP hypothesis 187
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Part III. Language acquisition, learning & contact
- Probability matching in Arabic and Romance morphology 205
- Gender differences in VOT production of Arabic/English bilingual children 245
- Phonological processing in diglossic Arabic 269
- Early acquisition of SVO and VSO word orders in Palestinian Colloquial Arabic 281
- Index 293
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgements vii
- Editors’ Introduction ix
-
Part I. Phonetics & phonology
- Empirical evidence 3
- Regressive voicing assimilation in Cairene Arabic 21
- The phonology–syntax interface: 35
- Leading, linking, and closing tones and tunes in Egyptian Arabic – what a simple intonation system tells us about the nature of intonation 57
-
Part II. Morphology & syntax
- Arabic agree, silent pronouns, and reciprocals 77
- Mood feature as case licenser in Modern Standard Arabic 127
- Extraction and deletion in Palestinian Arabic comparatives 149
- The verb kan ‘be’ in Moroccan Arabic 167
- Against the split-CP hypothesis 187
-
Part III. Language acquisition, learning & contact
- Probability matching in Arabic and Romance morphology 205
- Gender differences in VOT production of Arabic/English bilingual children 245
- Phonological processing in diglossic Arabic 269
- Early acquisition of SVO and VSO word orders in Palestinian Colloquial Arabic 281
- Index 293
