Chapter 1. Internal-scope taking arguments in the information structure of deverbal nominals in Hungarian
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Gábor Alberti
Abstract
The paper claims that the syntax of Hungarian is so extremely transparent from a pragmasemantic point of view that certain (complex-event-related) deverbal nominal constructions can have an internal information structure consisting of internal-scope taking dependents. The scope-semantic source of such an internal scope is an embedded verbal construction complemented by the nominalizer. What makes it possible for an internal information structure to be hosted is (the independent factor) that the Hungarian noun-phrase structure is (even) more flexible than was hypothesized earlier: so flexible that it can host as complex pragmasemantic hierarchies as verbal structures can. In this way, Hungarian makes it possible to express explicitly, by word order, all potential scope orders not only in verbal constructions, but even within noun phrases. We thus argue for the integration of the carthographic Split-DP (or Clausal-DP) Hypothesis into the Hungarian traditions via inserting operator layers in the Hungarian noun-phrase structure both above and below the DP-layer.
Abstract
The paper claims that the syntax of Hungarian is so extremely transparent from a pragmasemantic point of view that certain (complex-event-related) deverbal nominal constructions can have an internal information structure consisting of internal-scope taking dependents. The scope-semantic source of such an internal scope is an embedded verbal construction complemented by the nominalizer. What makes it possible for an internal information structure to be hosted is (the independent factor) that the Hungarian noun-phrase structure is (even) more flexible than was hypothesized earlier: so flexible that it can host as complex pragmasemantic hierarchies as verbal structures can. In this way, Hungarian makes it possible to express explicitly, by word order, all potential scope orders not only in verbal constructions, but even within noun phrases. We thus argue for the integration of the carthographic Split-DP (or Clausal-DP) Hypothesis into the Hungarian traditions via inserting operator layers in the Hungarian noun-phrase structure both above and below the DP-layer.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Chapter 1. Internal-scope taking arguments in the information structure of deverbal nominals in Hungarian 1
- Chapter 2. Structural ambiguity and case assignment in Hungarian clausal and phrasal comparatives 35
- Chapter 3. Two positions for verbal modifiers 65
- Chapter 4. A representational account of vowel harmony in terms of variable elements and licensing 95
- Chapter 5. Co-patterns, subpatterns and conflicting generalizations in Hungarian vowel harmony 135
- Chapter 6. Measure constructions in Hungarian and the semantics of the -nyi suffix 157
- Chapter 7. Hungarian classifier constructions, plurality and the mass–count distinction 183
- Chapter 8. Focus and quantifier scope 209
- Chapter 9. *VV in Hungarian 239
- Index 253
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Chapter 1. Internal-scope taking arguments in the information structure of deverbal nominals in Hungarian 1
- Chapter 2. Structural ambiguity and case assignment in Hungarian clausal and phrasal comparatives 35
- Chapter 3. Two positions for verbal modifiers 65
- Chapter 4. A representational account of vowel harmony in terms of variable elements and licensing 95
- Chapter 5. Co-patterns, subpatterns and conflicting generalizations in Hungarian vowel harmony 135
- Chapter 6. Measure constructions in Hungarian and the semantics of the -nyi suffix 157
- Chapter 7. Hungarian classifier constructions, plurality and the mass–count distinction 183
- Chapter 8. Focus and quantifier scope 209
- Chapter 9. *VV in Hungarian 239
- Index 253
