Chapter 3. Two positions for verbal modifiers
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Veronika Hegedűs
Abstract
This paper brings into question recent proposals that all types of Hungarian verbal modifiers are merged in the complement zone of the verb, and argues that certain verbal particles and resultatives are merged as specifiers in the extended verb phrase. The empirical focus of the paper is inseparable particle verbs. Verbal particles and resultatives do not behave uniformly when it comes to combinability with inseparable particle verbs: some particles and resultatives can co-occur with inseparable particles verbs, while others cannot. We will argue that particles and resultatives that belong to the former group are merged in a specifier position, while those belonging to the latter group are merged in the verb’s complement. Our results also support the view that objects are merged as specifiers rather than as complements (Bowers, 1993; Arad, 1996; Hale & Keyser, 1993; and Den Dikken, 2015b).
Abstract
This paper brings into question recent proposals that all types of Hungarian verbal modifiers are merged in the complement zone of the verb, and argues that certain verbal particles and resultatives are merged as specifiers in the extended verb phrase. The empirical focus of the paper is inseparable particle verbs. Verbal particles and resultatives do not behave uniformly when it comes to combinability with inseparable particle verbs: some particles and resultatives can co-occur with inseparable particles verbs, while others cannot. We will argue that particles and resultatives that belong to the former group are merged in a specifier position, while those belonging to the latter group are merged in the verb’s complement. Our results also support the view that objects are merged as specifiers rather than as complements (Bowers, 1993; Arad, 1996; Hale & Keyser, 1993; and Den Dikken, 2015b).
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Chapter 1. Internal-scope taking arguments in the information structure of deverbal nominals in Hungarian 1
- Chapter 2. Structural ambiguity and case assignment in Hungarian clausal and phrasal comparatives 35
- Chapter 3. Two positions for verbal modifiers 65
- Chapter 4. A representational account of vowel harmony in terms of variable elements and licensing 95
- Chapter 5. Co-patterns, subpatterns and conflicting generalizations in Hungarian vowel harmony 135
- Chapter 6. Measure constructions in Hungarian and the semantics of the -nyi suffix 157
- Chapter 7. Hungarian classifier constructions, plurality and the mass–count distinction 183
- Chapter 8. Focus and quantifier scope 209
- Chapter 9. *VV in Hungarian 239
- Index 253
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction vii
- Chapter 1. Internal-scope taking arguments in the information structure of deverbal nominals in Hungarian 1
- Chapter 2. Structural ambiguity and case assignment in Hungarian clausal and phrasal comparatives 35
- Chapter 3. Two positions for verbal modifiers 65
- Chapter 4. A representational account of vowel harmony in terms of variable elements and licensing 95
- Chapter 5. Co-patterns, subpatterns and conflicting generalizations in Hungarian vowel harmony 135
- Chapter 6. Measure constructions in Hungarian and the semantics of the -nyi suffix 157
- Chapter 7. Hungarian classifier constructions, plurality and the mass–count distinction 183
- Chapter 8. Focus and quantifier scope 209
- Chapter 9. *VV in Hungarian 239
- Index 253
