The Transformation of Gender Roles and Women’s Resilience in Postwar Rural Kosovo: The Case of the Krusha Cooperative

Introduction

Not only does postconflict reconstruction entail the rebuilding of physical infrastructure, it also necessitates the renegotiation of social structures – including gender roles. The 1998–1999 Kosovo War caused devastation across the country. Over 13,500 individuals are estimated to have been killed or gone missing, with Albanians constituting the vast majority of victims, including hundreds from villages like Krushë e Madhe (Great Krusha).^[1] Krushë e Madhe, a village in the Rahovec municipality in western Kosovo, was the site of an infamous massacre, which resulted in the death of an estimated 241 Albanian men.^[2]

Survivors of the massacre continue to endure the physical and psychological consequences of the 1999 conflict. In 2024, a memorial museum was established to document and commemorate the experiences of those affected. At the same time, families of the missing persist in their search for answers, reflecting the lasting social and emotional impact of the massacre.^[3] Once the war was over, the women, children, and other survivors had to rebuild their lives and contend with the postwar difficulties. Economic reconstruction was one of the main postwar challenges for Kosovar society, with such a task proving especially onerous for families who had lost men – traditionally the main breadwinners. The household structure in Kosovo is characterized by strong extended family networks, where men typically serve as the primary earners and play dominant decision-making roles (Hoti 2007, as cited in Osmani, Gorton, and White 2013). This issue was particularly prevalent in Krushë e Madhe because a significant number of households had experienced the loss of their male members due to kidnappings or murders during the war. The majority of war widows in Krushë e Madhe did not have formal employment (Këllezi et al. 2024).

Consequently, in Krushë e Madhe, as well as other villages in Kosovo with similar experiences of mass male casualties, women assumed the role of the head of the household. They shouldered the responsibility for rebuilding their homes, raising their children, cultivating the land, and handling domestic issues all at the same time.^[4]

As part of this postwar reconstruction and in response to the situation, in 2005, a group of Albanian Kosovar women led by Fahrije Hoti, whose husband is among those missing, launched what has gradually developed into a business cooperative, the Krusha Cooperative (Kooperativa Krusha). Supported by international and local donors, these women began to preserve and pickle foods such as ajvar and turshi, two well-known Balkan pepper-based delicacies, and started selling these products to provide for themselves and their families. The cooperative has grown significantly over the past decade thanks to continued donor support. The main international contributors include the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the World Bank, the European Commission, the German Corporation for International Cooperation (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, GIZ), SwissContact, and the Government of Denmark.^[5] In 2024, the Krusha Cooperative publicly acknowledged the ongoing support of these donors, as well as contributions from local businesses, farmers, and organizations such as the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) and the National Commercial Bank of Kosovo (Banka Kombëtare Tregtare, BKT). Their combined funding has been essential in helping the cooperative scale production and reach European and US markets.^[6] This study explores how initiatives such as the Krusha Cooperative have challenged traditional gender roles in postwar Kosovo and examines the women’s experiences in assuming the roles typically assigned to men in both society and the household.

Gender Roles in Kosovo

Two of the main factors shaping the traditional approach to gender roles in Kosovo are the Code of Lekë Dukagjini (Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit) and religion. When it comes to religion, around 93.49% Kosovar citizens identify as Muslim, according to the Agency for Statistics, although the country’s structures are secular.^[7] While national identity is central to Kosovars, religious background remains a potentially influential aspect of cultural identity. This includes what is seen as the yardstick for women’s behavior and roles in society and the household (Lehrer 1995).

The Kanun is named after a prince who ruled in northern Albania during the 15th century and codified the customary laws of the highlands (though the code is believed to be even older). The first complete written codification was in 1933 in Shkodër. Historically, the social and legal norms it governed were also observed in Kosovo. Women’s roles within the family and in matters of inheritance were severely limited. Following the establishment of modern Albanian legislation after 1928, which introduced legal frameworks effectively promoting gender equality, the Kanun’s authority diminished. In Kosovo, subsequent reforms further curtailed the Kanun’s impact, especially by enhancing women’s legal rights and participation in the public and economic sphere. The traditional restrictions imposed by the customary law were gradually abandoned (Lajci et al. 2024).

However, the Kanun had strict rules regarding women’s behavior and role in Albanian society, and this also applied in Kosovo. As a customary social code of conduct, it traditionally played a significant part in shaping women’s rights and gender roles (Cara and Margjeka 2015). However, as has been argued by various scholars, gender roles are likely to shift if the need arises. During and after the war of 1998–1999, such a need certainly existed. Both society’s expectations and women’s compliance had to adapt due to the absence of men in the household, and this was especially true for the women of Krushë e Madhe. Moreover, examining women’s entrepreneurship is in itself compelling because this is not something that was seen very often in Kosovo (Ramadani and Camaj 2024).

The Kooperativa Krusha is thus a challenging topic to explore, not least because, despite the shift in attitudes, gender stereotypes continue to influence societal expectations. Besides the possible influence of the legacies of both the Kanun and religion, it is institutionalized policies, the language used in the media, and family structures that influence the persistence of traditional gender roles across Kosovo most. During the time of socialist Yugoslavia, gender equality was formally promoted. However, even then, the practical realities for women in rural Kosovo were also shaped more by enduring patriarchal structures and systemic inequalities than by ideological commitments to emancipation. As Simic (2018) argues, while socialist policies encouraged women’s participation in the workforce, structural and cultural barriers, especially in regions like Kosovo, severely curtailed their transformative potential. Moreover, although collectivization aimed to provide key services such as childcare and healthcare, these efforts were largely undermined, especially in rural areas, by inadequate infrastructure, limited resources, and a shortage of (medical) personnel (Simic 2018). Sijarina (2024) similarly notes that many young women did not pursue an education, not out of disinterest, but because their fathers forbade them from doing so. Even when they were employed, women remained responsible for unpaid care work, which was redistributed within the household, frequently falling to the daughters. These dynamics were further complicated by the intersection of gender, class, and nation, with Albanian women subjected to racialized narratives and discriminatory state practices that limited their autonomy (Islami 2008; Krasniqi 2021; Luci and Krasniqi 2006)

There are two main scholarly perspectives on gender roles in postwar settings, which seem diametrically opposite. The first states that gender roles are reinforced in postwar societies (Ahern et al. 2004; Di Lellio and McCurn 2013). The second suggests that gender roles blur as women take on what are typically masculine responsibilities, at least for a time (Roberts 2009; Sye 2010; Sulaiman, Verner and Polesny 2023; Sengupta and Calo 2016). Both perspectives are valid. Gender role reinforcement is commonly found in cases where war crimes – primarily rape or sexual assault – were perpetrated against women. Such crimes, often followed by trauma, highlight gender roles and reinforce an unequal power balance between men and women (Ahern et al. 2004; Di Lellio and McCurn 2013). In addressing such issues, external forces such as the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the European Union (EU), and the US have unintentionally reinforced patriarchal norms and traditional gender roles in postwar Kosovo (Krasniqi 2007). Given that women are traditionally marginalized in Kosovar society, such reinforcement presents a challenge to its modernization (Haug 2015). In fact, the traditional division of gender roles in Kosovo has become much more pronounced since the war, as the newly independent state was conceived by men from the very outset (Krasniqi 2009).

On a similar note, Liora Sion found that even peacebuilding activities governed by women tended to be based on traditional ideas of gender roles, and as such their contribution to postwar reconstruction was often stereotyped (Sion 2013). Moreover, research findings have highlighted the presence of traditional gender roles when it comes to voting and civic activism among women in Kosovo (Litchfield, Douarin, and Gashi 2024). More work could be done to achieve gender equality or provide women with the space to move away from their traditional gender roles (Ariño Villellas and Redondo de la Morena 2008). As Holzner (2021) argues, successful gender governance necessitates a collaborative approach, strong partnerships, and ongoing efforts to combat gender discrimination.

The conflict between social norms and legal principles is an important one, Akgün, Boztaş, and Balcı (2023) argue, because in the Balkans, or more specifically in Kosovo, social norms heavily influence legal principles regarding gender roles. Several projects established by nongovernmental organizations (NGO) are committed to supporting women workers in creating a new gender reality. Such NGOs include, but are not limited to the Council for the Defense of Human Rights and Freedoms (CDHRF) (see Desai and Perry 2011), the Agency for Gender Equality (AGE), the Kosovo Women’s Network (KWN), and Woman to Woman (Kvinna till Kvinna, KtK).^[8] Key projects focusing on women and work include AGE’s research on women in the media; the Dutch Embassy’s support for rural women and young people; the Sida’s women’s empowerment grants; and the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) economic empowerment programs.¹¹

Part of the problem is that these initiatives are implemented specifically by NGOs and it is difficult for the women they support to secure jobs in government bodies or politics more generally. Research has shown that in Bosnia and Herzegovina too, women have found it difficult to apply the progressive ideas fostered by international programs (Pupavac 2005). Similarly, women’s empowerment as promoted under the Women, Peace, and Security agenda often fails to apply the conclusions of the UN peacekeeping operations (Blanton, Peksen, and Blanton 2023). Projects implemented by the OSCE and UN in Kosovo faced similar challenges, with women remaining largely excluded from senior decision-making roles, and gender concerns often being overlooked (Abdela 2003).

Moreover, the mainstream media’s interpretation of the war in Kosovo has stereotyped women’s experience, depicting them solely as victims (Del Zotto 2002). Traditional gender roles are highlighted during wartime, when nationalism, typically perceived as a masculine trait, is strong. The interplay between nationalism, war, and gender role reinforcement has been emphasized by Munn (2008). Even programs that were designed to promote women’s involvement in postwar society and their role in postwar reconstruction were directed, managed, and implemented by men (Abdela 2003). No women were directly involved in the projects, though they could have provided a different perspective, a better understanding, and ensured the activities conducted responded more effectively to the needs of Kosovar women.

That being said, the opposite may also be true, with traditional gender roles shifting in response to economic necessity or a desire for societal change. In postwar France, precisely such changes occurred, although they were often met with skepticism, as society struggled with the blurring and redefinition of gender roles (Roberts 2009). Similarly, the Somalian case has shown a shift in gender roles mainly driven by necessity after the civil war (Sye 2010), and the same applies to postwar Uganda (Sengupta and Calo 2016). In Syria, too, once the conflict began, gender roles among women changed (Asaf 2017).^[9] A more recent study also confirmed shifts in gender roles in Syria with a focus on household food security practices (Sulaiman, Verner, and Polesny 2023). This echoes the case of the Kosovar war widows who have assumed the role of breadwinners (Aliu 2020).

Additionally, the position of women in the political sphere has significantly improved with their increased involvement, though they do still remain underrepresented (Szelag 2021). Women’s participation in politics and entrepreneurship has benefited both individual families and entire communities by bringing new perspectives and skills to decision-making processes (Canaj 2021). Nepal, on the other hand, has been identified as an example where postwar shifts have enhanced women’s political participation, while land ownership remains constrained by entrenched patriarchal norms and property rights institutions that are slow to change (Joshi 2025). Joshi highlights that although conflict can alter gender roles, meaningful economic empowerment, including land ownership, requires targeted institutional reforms. In Kosovo, women’s increased participation in agricultural activities, as observed in Skenderaj, reflects the growing economic involvement of women in a postconflict setting (Sallahu 2022).

In Kosovo, women’s activism was present long before the 1998–1999 war and can be traced back to Kosovo’s Yugoslav era (Krasniqi 2021; Musliu and Mujika Chao 2024). This activism had different forms, including in pursuit of national emancipation and gender equality. In as early as the 1960s, women in socialist Yugoslavia participated in underground movements and illegal groups which called for Kosovo to become a republic within Yugoslavia rather than an autonomous province within the Socialist Republic of Serbia. Women highlighted the intersectionality of their struggle, which combined activities focused on gender equality, ethnic identity, and national liberation (Musliu and Mujika Chao 2024). Among the channels of female activism were the underground group Ilegalja, whose publication Kosovarja e Re addressed women’s political engagement around national emancipation and class issues (Krasniqi 2021). During the war, levels of activism fluctuated but nevertheless continued in refugee camps. As Farnsworth (2008) highlights, Kosovar women in refugee camps strengthened solidarity and reclaimed their activist roles through mutual support and organizing. However, post-Yugoslav feminism, initially intended to challenge nationalist discourses, became fragmented and depoliticized over the years. This emphasizes the urgent need to unify diverse feminist movements and effectively address persistent patriarchal and broader social challenges (Krasniqi and Petrović 2019).

Returning to the Krusha Cooperative, there has been limited academic research on this example of postwar social change. Durmishi et al. (2023) emphasize its role in empowering war widows, who faced restricted access to land, education, and legal rights. The cooperative offered employment, social support, and a way of challenging gender norms. Scholars have been more interested in the agricultural and economic perspective, meaning that the experiences of the women working in this cooperative have remained understudied. That said, Möllers, Pinkow-Läpple, and Dufhues (2025) do briefly mention the cooperative by recounting the story of Fatmire, who is a founding member. Their study highlights Fatmire’s role in challenging gender norms and connects her entrepreneurial efforts to migration experiences and women’s empowerment. However, the cooperative itself is not the main focus of their analysis, leaving its broader social, economic, and developmental impact underexplored.

My study aims to fill this gap by offering a comprehensive examination of the Krusha Cooperative as a collective initiative through the lens of individual stories. Efforts aimed at driving social change can even be detrimental if they do not include women’s empowerment or individuals of non-normative genders (Hajdari Hajra and Rustemi 2023). Improvements in women’s roles following conflict do not occur spontaneously or without opposition (Bakken and Buhaug 2021). Instead, such progress results from the continuous and deliberate efforts of women who have historically faced systemic marginalization. Building on this observation and the existing research, I focus on Kosovar women’s experiences of the postwar reconstruction efforts. The question being addressed is thus not whether there is a change in gender roles but how exactly this change has been experienced by and reflected through women in society. More specifically, this study scrutinizes how gender roles shift by analyzing the testimonies of the women involved in Kooperativa Krusha, as well as how the evolving role of women as breadwinners underscores a broader narrative of empowerment and equality, reshaping perceptions of gender roles. The study hypothesizes that, while participation in the cooperative has functioned as a survival strategy, it has also served as a catalyst for reshaping traditional gender roles and fostering new forms of empowerment.

Methods

I conducted my case study of postwar gender roles in Krushë e Madhe, applying qualitative research methods such as semi-structured interviews and participant observation. I used semi-structured interviews to allow for flexibility in my data collection and to remain open to emerging themes and concepts. This method supports an inductive approach where the researcher does not strictly define all areas of inquiry in advance (Bryman 2012, 12). Participant observation was employed for its alignment with a naturalist approach, enabling me to engage with individuals in their everyday work settings (Bryman 2012, 494). Both methods allowed participants to express themes of interest organically, without external prompting. I analyzed my findings against the backdrop of the existing research literature, as laid out above.

Data collection took place in Autumn 2023 during an in-person visit to Krushë e Madhe. Interviews lasted between one and two hours. The first contact point was the head of the cooperative. During my visit, more cooperative members were introduced to me, while I approached others randomly during their working days.

I then employed analytic induction, working with the data gathered according to the methods suggested in qualitative research. This methodological approach is well suited for research where themes emerge during analysis rather than being defined in advance. It provided me with a deep understanding of the experiences of women in a postwar country where non-traditional gender roles are assumed. I conducted semi-structured, in-depth interviews with ten women who work at the Kooperativa Krusha. The cooperative had around 70 workers at the time of the interviews. The sample was chosen to acquire original data on their discussions and reflections on the impact of war on gender roles. The sample size of ten participants is justified by the group’s homogeneity, following Bryman’s methodological recommendation (Bryman 2012, 200). All participants had the same workplace, gender, ethnic background, and rural context, which supports the appropriateness of a smaller sample. The sample still allowed me to achieve thematic saturation as most participants expressed similar views, thereby supporting the reliability of the findings.

The in-depth interviews, too, provided qualitative insights that were ideally suited to identify recurring themes and shared experiences, consistent with the study’s objectives. The interview data were analyzed manually through thematic coding using Microsoft Excel spreadsheets. Themes and patterns were identified by systematically organizing and reviewing the transcripts without the use of specialized qualitative data analysis software.

Purposive sampling was employed, as the participants were known and identified as widows or women who work at the cooperative. Half of the participants (five women) were between the ages of 40 and 55 years and were war widows or family members of men who had been kidnapped or murdered during the war. The other half of the sample (five women) belonged to the younger generation and were aged between 20 and 35. They too worked in the cooperative. This group included young women whose families had not lost anyone during the war. This second group of participants was interviewed to scrutinize their perspective and agenda as a new generation that may further reinforce or break with gender roles.

The five women of the older group (ages 40 to 55) had all completed primary education. Three of them had been employed at the cooperative for over 15 years, while the remaining two had more than ten years of experience. Of the younger cohort (ages 20 to 35) four had attained high school-level education and had been working at the cooperative for at least three years. The remaining participant in this group held a bachelor’s degree and had been employed by the cooperative for over six years.

To maintain confidentiality, specific participant identifiers are not used and demographic details are presented in aggregate form. To ensure participant anonymity, individuals are referred to by their age group (e.g., participant in the 40–55 age group). The American Sociological Association Code of Ethics was followed throughout the research process.^[10] In addition, verbal consent was consistently obtained from participants before each interview. All participants were thoroughly informed about the objectives and purpose of the research. Interviews were recorded, and notes were taken as a means of documenting the gathered data. The recorded interviews were later transcribed.

In addition to the interviews, the data collected during participant observation at the cooperative was also with the participants’ consent. This data was collected by taking fieldwork notes. My observation focused on the women’s relationships with each other. My aim was to gain insights into how the women work, to what extent the war was part of their daily talk, and how the role of the breadwinner was reflected in their discourse. Both the interviews and the participant observation were conducted in the Albanian language.

Discussion and Conclusion

This study contributes to current scholarship by providing data on the state of gender roles in an underresearched geographical setting. The case study has analyzed how women working at the Krusha Cooperative (Kooperativa Krusha) in the village of Krushë e Madhe have navigated and reshaped traditional gender norms in postwar Kosovo.

To date, the research literature has addressed gender roles in postwar settings predominantly through two lenses: one that focuses on the reinforcement of traditional roles as a result of war, and another that highlights the blurring of these roles when women assume the economic responsibilities of the men that went missing during the war. In addition, much of this research has either concentrated on broader societal perspectives or remained limited to women as victims of conflict. This study instead offers a view of how gender roles have evolved in the specific context of Kosovo, showing how the two abovementioned changes have been entangled here and how empowerment has been a critical moment in women’s postwar lives. The study thus fills a critical gap in understanding the dynamics of postconflict gender role transformations, and not only in the understudied case of Kosovo.

The women who participated in this study initially played traditional homemaking roles, to then increasingly become the primary income-earners in their households as a consequence of the war. This shift in gender roles is exemplified by the Krusha Cooperative initiative, where war widows became breadwinners and created a supportive community. The case illustrates how economic necessity and social support can challenge traditional norms, contribute to broader discussions on gender equality, and ultimately be the driver of significant changes.

The study strengthens the findings of previous scholarship (e.g., Asaf 2017; Sengupta and Calo 2016; Sye 2010) in confirming the influence of conflict in reshaping gender roles in traditionalist societies. In addition, it adds an intergenerational perspective by providing an understanding of how different age groups perceive and react to such changes. Interestingly, the older generation, who actually lived through the war, proved generally more accepting of women’s expanded roles, viewing challenges as obstacles to be overcome, while the younger generation, despite endorsing economic participation, struggled when faced with traditional notions of gender-appropriate roles.

Adding a new dimension to the literature that suggests that postwar gender roles are either reinforced or blurred, this study has underscored that the war-induced transformation of these roles is multifaceted and context specific, and intergenerational differences, including a return to more traditionalist notions of social norms, are part and parcel of this. Second, individuals with similar stories experience the transformation differently, as was illustrated by the five women in the older age group, who lived through the war and faced nuanced challenges when it came to assuming the role of the breadwinner. The tension between external agents wanting to help the women and the dominant social norms in their families became obvious, for example in the case of the participant who did not attend driving lessons when she had the opportunity, due to her family’s objections. Third, there were differences in the family structures of the participants, as contrasting this example with another participant and her supportive male partner shows. Experiences of gender role transformation are thus shaped by multilayered influences in the women’s social contexts.

The case of Kooperativa Krusha demonstrates that, while the women took on roles traditionally held by men, the process of doing so has involved ongoing negotiation and resistance from their social environment. Here participants highlighted the need for comprehensive support systems beyond the family capable of addressing both economic and social barriers. This study thus provides a foundation for developing more effective strategies to foster gender equality in postwar settings that have predominantly traditional perceptions of the “appropriate” roles for women and men.

In conclusion, this study documents how women have navigated varied expectations and embraced new roles and responsibilities. The interplay between generational perspectives, economic dynamics, family bonds, and individual choices reveals a complex narrative of the changing role of women in Kosovar society. They went from being unemployed or homemakers before the war to the main breadwinners afterwards. These narratives transcend the women’s individual journeys, contributing to a broader dialogue on gender roles and challenging societal expectations.

The Kooperativa Krusha has played a pivotal role in this process. Participation in it served as both a survival strategy and a catalyst for reshaping traditional gender roles and fostering new forms of empowerment, through both social support systems and financial independence. Thus, this study offers valuable insights into mechanisms and strategies employed by both governmental and nongovernmental organizations aimed at helping women in postwar settings. The importance of providing women with access to resources, support systems, and platforms for their voices to be heard cannot be emphasized enough. Moreover, the reflections and lessons derived from their journey are not confined to their local context but contribute to a broader global discourse on gender equality. What can be learned from the women of Krushë e Madhe is that gender equality is a critical component of rebuilding and reimagining thriving societies in the aftermath of conflict.