Crafted Landscapes: The Uggurwala Tree (Ochroma pyramidale) as a Potential Cultural Keystone Species for Gunadule Communities

1.1 The Nudsugana and the Agency of the Trees

The Gothenburg collection includes a variety of wooden objects, such as musical instruments, tools for domestic use, hunting and fishing gear, medicinal plants, and, most notably, sculptures generally known as nudsugana (Muñoz, 2003). It is difficult to define these carvings made by the Gunadule people in just a few words. They can be described as ritual sculptures of both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic forms, imbued with their own agency and life cycle. Gunadule people carved these sculptures to embody the unique properties of specific trees. It is worth noting that the pronoun “who” is used to refer to these sculptures, as they are considered to be alive and/or domestic companions by the Gunadule people. They play an active role in healing rituals, acting as intermediaries between bonigana (the main disease-causing entities) and nelegan (who can be understood as shamans). The primary emphasis is placed on the raw materials, their acquisition, carving process, and agency, rather than on shape and aesthetics, being the uggurwala tree (O. pyramidale) one of the principal ones used in their carving (Martínez-Mauri, 2020; Perrin, 2007).

Three distinct groups, commonly referred to as nudsugana, can be identified within the sculptures. First of all, the Nudsugana themselves are made from several trees, preferably from hard and durable wood (Table 1), and are intended to be preserved over time. They are usually placed together in wood or plastic boxes about 5–30 cm tall.

Second, the Mimmigana, which usually measure between 2 and 5 cm in height, are used as charms that can be hung from hammocks and walls or worn as necklaces.

Finally, there are the uggurwar, which, unlike the previous ones, are carved exclusively from balsawood, the uggurwala tree. These sculptures are usually more than 50 cm tall and can reach a height of over 2 m. Uggurwar are carved specifically for rituals conducted by the absogedis when a threat strikes the village such as a pandemic or a plague or allude to the presence of the bonigana. An absoged is a specialist knowledgeable in specific chants who conduct rituals in which the uggurwar help combat threats caused by bonigana to the community. Despite this scant synthesis of what a nudsu ^[1] is, it becomes evident that there is a complex interaction between these carvings and the Guna people. This interaction takes place in both everyday domestic contexts and ritual contexts involving specific ritual languages and specialists.

All of these categories have a common trait – their own agency and life cycle. The nudsugana, as the Dule people, are born, evolve their lives, and eventually die. Similarly to human birth, they are taken from the tree headfirst and the core and pith of the trunk or branch must be present during the carving process, which is interpreted as qwa in the Dulegaya language. Using chants only known by the specialists, they come to life and are then prepared to act as intermediaries and protectors. During their lives, they are taken care of by their human family, sharing the same space, being decorated with nisar (Bixa orellana) and sabdur (Genipa americana), bathed in water with medicinal herbs as biseb (Ocimum basilicum), and even fed with cacao (Theobroma cacao) smoke. When the wood becomes damaged or decayed, they die.

The uggurwar only live for eight days while the ritual takes place and after that, they will remain alive only if the absogued commands it. Otherwise, they will be considered dead after fulfilling their mission of fighting against the bonigana. Dead uggurwala will be taken to specific cemeteries on the mainland, left in the forests and beaches, or even burnt (Figure 2) (Chapin, 1983; Fortis, 2012; Martínez-Mauri, 2020; Perrin, 2007; Romero, 2023).

Figure 2

Picture taken by Henry Wassén in Digir Island in 1945 located at Världskulturmuseet archive (011293) (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022). It shows hundreds of uggurwar ready to be burnt after the absogued ritual. (a–c) Sculptures were taken by Henry Wassén and are on permanent display in the Världskulturmuseet together with a fourth one.

O. pyramidale plays a crucial role in sculptures and other objects. This has been made evident through multidisciplinary work studying carvings in the Världskulturmuseet and ICANH collections. By reviewing ethnohistorical sources, studying the carvings in the collections, and working with present-day Gunadule communities, it has been determined that balsawood holds significant cultural importance for the Gunadule communities and could be considered as a potential CKS. According to criteria proposed by Garibaldi and Turner (2004) and Cristancho and Vining (2004), CKS are those whose existence and symbolic value significantly shape the cultural identity of a people over time, as reflected in their fundamental roles in language, diet, materials, medicinal and spiritual practices.

The wooden material culture of the Gunadule people is an excellent example of the evolving relationship between trees and humans in tropical regions that are abundant in rich arboreal biodiversity. Trees hold significant importance in the Guna worldview, and the uggurwala plays a prominent role. The CKS theory emphasises the role of time in establishing a relevant cultural species. The continued use of the balsa tree, which is an important species for communities that have moved from tropical forests to coastal regions and archipelagos in what nowadays is Gunayala, raises questions about the continuity of species use over time, forest management, and timber exchange between coastal and inland communities. Viewing wood as a raw material on par with other materials prompts a re-evaluation of interpretive questions in archaeobotany discipline, including the significance of ethnotaxonomies in theoretical perspectives (Capparelli & Lema, 2010; Marconetto, 2008; Marconetto & Mafferra, 2016; Picornell, 2018; Scarpa, 2010), the agency of trees and objects, and the relationship between societies and their environment, both past and present (Dilkes-Hall et al., 2019; Picornell, 2020; Scheel-Ybert, Fernandes, & Waisman, 2016).

The nudsugana and the objects that have been studied in the collections have led us to the tropical forests from which they originate. This has emphasised the importance of reconstructing the paths that lead from the objects to the trees. Along the way, we have seen the great potential that the study of these forgotten objects in the collections has to better understand what these crafted landscapes preserved in museum repositories can tell us about humans, trees, and their interactions.

2.1 Study of Museum Collections

The research on the carvings has been integrated with the collection of the Världskulturmuseet (Gothenburg) and the repository of the ethnographic collection of ICANH (Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History) in the National Museum of Colombia (Bogotá).

At the Världskulturmuseet museum, 163 objects classified as belonging to the Gunadule cultural group were revised, ranging from objects brought by Nordenskiöld to more recent pieces incorporated into the collection in the 1970s (Table 2).

The “sculptures” category (Table 2) includes ritual carvings such as the nudsugana, as well as anthropomorphic and zoomorphic carvings that were not used for rituals. The distinction between the two types was made after studying all the ethnohistoric documentation and thoroughly examining the biography of the objects.

Of the 80 sculptures, 41 are in the museum’s deposit, while the remaining 39 are on permanent display and could not be examined directly. These sculptures were studied through the associated information available online in the Carlotta system (https://collections.smvk.se/carlotta-vkm/web). The system provided digitised images of the objects, photographs from anthropological expeditions, notes, maps, plans, and drawings that were carefully revised. With these sculptures in the permanent exhibition, we worked on the information in the archive records. This previous work was also carried out with the deeds located in the deposits. First, the documentation associated with each carving was reviewed to compile a database that included information about its place of origin, the expedition or donor by whom it was incorporated into the collection, information about the raw material and wood, uses, dimensions, and other observations recorded about the carving. Next, fields referring to the record of decoration (pigments, incrustations) and state of conservation (cracks, visible presence of damage by micro-organisms) were incorporated into the database. Although this type of data could be collected with digitised images of the carvings, the analysis of the macroscopic and microscopic wood features was not possible.

For the sculptures that could be studied in situ, a record was completed to note the presence or absence of decorations, with an emphasis on natural pigments such as B. orellana and G. americana. Additionally, the fractures and damage caused by microorganisms (presence of xylophage’s insects’ tunnels or larvae signals) were recorded to evidence specific fractures associated with carving processes, identify the wood used, and determine whether the damage to the objects occurred prior to or after their incorporation to the collection.

The wood’s macroscopic features, such as colour and weight, were recorded, as well as differences in colour between the sapwood and heartwood and the size of the pith. The presence of growth rings, pores, and parenchyma distribution was documented using standard photography combined with a Dino-Lite Pro2 AD4000 series and the Dino-Lite Capture 2.0 software. This approach was chosen to overcome the challenges of obtaining wood samples from museum objects and allowed us to capture images of cross-sections (Figure 3).

Figure 3

(a) Zoomorphic uggurwar located at Världskulturmuseet collection (1935.15.0067). It represents a caiman, decorated with black (G. americana) and red (B. orellana) pigments. It also has beads as its eyes. (b) Pith of the uggurwala trunk used for the carving. This part is known as qwa in Dulegaya language and is present in ritual sculptures. Scale bar: (c) cross-section of the bottom part obtained with the Dino Lite Pro2. 200×.

It was possible to obtain samples of about 4–7 mm³ in size from 14 of the sculptures, following the criteria of the Världskulturmuseet’s conservation team. This implied that samples were mainly removed from the bases and less visible parts of the sculptures, which made it challenging to obtain clear cross-sections. These 14 sculptures were selected based on the Indigenous names mentioned in archive documents to confirm the link between ethnotaxonomies and taxa. Additionally, sculptures lacking references to the raw material in the associated documentation were chosen to determine the type of wood used (Table 3). The samples were sent to the SEM (ZEISS EVO LS 15, RIAIDT, Santiago de Compostela University) to work on the wood assignment.

The carvings were selected based on the recurring mention of ethnotaxonomies in the literature, with saddewala, igsiwala, and urwala being frequently cited trees in the ethnohistorical documentation (Table 1).

Ultimately, 3D models were created for 22 of the sculptures in the repository using the Trinio 3D Scanner app. The 3D scanning and the print models were made to be donated to the museum, to be used in the digital collection. Additionally, the models were used in ethnographic fieldwork and presented to members of the Digir community to facilitate interactive engagement with their heritage.

The objects placed in the Ethnographic Repository of the ICANH collection raised the possibility of comparing the carvings from the Guna communities of Colombia, who did not move to the coastland, with those from Gunayala in Panama. Furthermore, the collection allowed us to compare the Guna carvings with the ones from other Indigenous groups from the Isthmo-Colombian area. Based on this approach, 55 items were revised following the same recording method developed in the Världskulturmuseet collection, all of them were categorised as coming from the Pacific region of Colombia (Table 4).

Due to the lack of time compared with the research stay at Världskulturmuseet, only macroscopic features were registered in the ethnographic ICANH collection. The primary focus was to identify the presence of balsawood raw material, which is easily distinguishable by its characteristics (light colour, low density, soft pith, and radial cracks). Data related to the presence of damaged wood, microorganisms, decorations, and carving-related processes, such as the presence or absence of pith in the objects, were also registered.

2.2 Analysis of Ethnohistorical Sources

Ethnohistorical sources revision was crucial in this multidisciplinary approach. Nordenskiöld documented a large amount of ethnohistorical information during his expeditions, which led to the creation of prolific publications (Nordenskiöld, 1927, 1929). In 1930, he brought the Guna Rubén Perez-Kantule to the ethnographic museum in Gothenburg for a few months. Rubén Pérez-Kantule’s notes on each object in the collection were meticulously reviewed, translated, and added to the revised sculptures database (Nordenskiöld & Pérez-Kantule, 1938). All the ethnotaxonomies mentioned in the ethnohistorical sources, including those in the museum’s archival documents and various anthropological works by Erland Nordenskiöld and Henry Wassén, were compiled (Wassén, 1938, 1949, 1963). These ethnotaxonomies were then combined with specific literature, subsequent anthropological and ethnobotanical works to create a list of recurring species with updated transcriptions (Castillo & Beer, 1983; Chapin, 1983; Farnum, 2012, 2014; Fortis, 2012; Martínez-Mauri, 2020; Perrin, 2007; Reverte, 2001; Ventocilla, Herrera, & Núñez, 1999; Santa Teresa, 1959; Torres de Araúz, 1975). This information was also compared with historical sources such as the Lionel Wafer’s description of the Isthmus in the seventeenth century (Wafer, 1934), where he mentions some important trees for the Indigenous. Furthermore, a comprehensive review of the Världskulturmuseet’s photograph collection was conducted. This collection includes 619 catalogued photographs of the Gunadule cultural group and 795 of the Emberá-Wounaan group, which have been digitised in the Carlotta system (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022).

A specific methodology was developed to review the photos. This methodology involved recording the places, photographers, and people photographed (including their names when they are mentioned), as well as specific activities based on gender, age, objects, and places. Special attention was paid to those photographs where objects and processes related to wood carving appeared. By combining the review of the photographs with other ethnohistoric sources and the study of the carvings themselves, a more complete biography of the objects in the collection was achieved. This allowed for contextualising them and subsequently analysing the evolution of the balsawood presence over time and the relevance of the uggurwala tree to the present-day Gunadule communities (Figure 4).

Figure 4

Picture taken by Henry Wassén in 1947 in Caimán Nuevo (Colombia) located at Världskulturmuseet archive (1100D) (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022). (a) Uggurwala sculpture representing a Guna woman, taken by H. Wassén to Gothenburg (1947.21.35). (b and c) Uggurwala sculpture representing a man and Guna woman taken by Reichel-Dolmatoff to Colombia. These two sculptures were revised in the National Museum of Colombia (E-83-IV-410; E-83-VIII-635). All of them are decorated with black (G. americana) and beads in the eyes. The (a) and (c) also have red pigments (B. orellana). The pith is present in the three carvings.

2.3 Ethnographic Field Work

In the analysis of ethnohistorical sources, Digir community in Gunayala, also known as Tigre Island in Spanish, was proposed as the most suitable place to conduct ethnographic fieldwork. Although various communities were considered for fieldwork, logistical, and travel difficulties along with the requirements for anthropological work permits from the General Congress of the Guna Culture (GCCG), in addition to those of each community, narrowed the options down to a single place. However, the Digir community has a longer tradition of uggurwar sculptures, which is still well-preserved compared to other communities in Gunayala. The ethnographic fieldwork was developed during 3 weeks, during which interviews were conducted at the Instituto Cultural de la Cultura Guna, in Panama City. Research permissions were approved by the General Congress of the Guna Culture before traveling to Digir community. Moreover, the Digir Congress also had to approve the entry and stay for field work (eventually all of these requirements were approved). One of the requirements of the GCGC for conducting academic research was to involve a Gunadule student pursuing a degree in Anthropology from Panama University in the community. Aralys Solis, who is originally from Digir, was chosen by the Congress for this task. Additionally, she assisted in all the ethnographic fieldwork in her own community.

Participant observation was the primary research tool applied, sharing the spaces where nudsugana and Dule people interact. Ethnohistorical sources, such as expeditions and pictures of the material studied in the two revised collections, including the 3D models, were shown to the community. The stimuli from this encounter led to reflections on current and former uses of nudsugana, the uggurwala tree, as well as past and present forest management.

In addition, field work involved conducting open interviews with individuals primarily engaged in wood carving processes and experts knowledgeable about nudsugana and traditional medicine. In Panama City, Eulalio Nersibu López, a sagladummad,^[2] allowed me to conduct interviews for a week. During these interviews, he imparted essential teachings and explained concepts related to the Gunadule cosmovision. Eulalio López is a great connoisseur of chants, ritual language, and botany. His knowledge was captured in the open interviews serving as recorded lessons. In the Digir community, open interviews were conducted with the village absoged, the sagladummad, and inaduled of Digir and the canoe carver, all of whom were over 70 years old. The interviews focused on topics such as the trees used for different purposes, collection of raw materials, changes in the use of species, carving processes, associated knowledge, forest management, preservation or loss of traditional knowledge related to timber, and issues directly associated with nudsugana and uggurwar (Table 5). The interviews were primarily conducted in Spanish and the Dulegaya language, with translations provided by Aralys Solis’ help.

Additionally, we made several trips to the mainland to visit the specific uggurwar cemetery as well as the community cemetery and took walks in the bush to identify different trees with the assistance of Aralys’ family members. Due to their advanced age, the people we interviewed were unable to accompany us.

3.1 From Cabinets to the Forests

Based on the analysis of the collections, balsawood is the most frequently used wood and its primary use has been documented in ritual sculptures. The presence of balsawood in the collections aligns with the information found in the ethnohistorical sources as well as in recent literature.

The most frequently occurring tree in the Gunadule carvings, especially in the sculptures studied in the Världskulturmuseet collection, is the uggurwala tree (Table 6).

The nudsugana include the three categories specified in Section 1. The presence of pith has been documented in all the sculptures made of uggurwala, which is not the case with the carvings identified as toys. A review of the documentation that mentions them as figures carved expressly as toys is also supported by the absence of pith or qwa. Only one ritual stick was found made of uggurwala in the collection. The use of harder and more durable wood in making these objects aligns with ethnohistoric references and specific literature (Nordenskiöld, 1929; Santa Teresa, 1959). This coincides with the Emberá ritual sticks, since balsawood has been documented as less common in their carving (Tayler, 1996; Torres de Araúz, 1975; Velásquez-Runk, 2017).

The sculptures with pith present all show radial cracks, whereas the rest of the carvings studied, which do not have the pith, do not show this type of breakage. Additionally, most of the carvings are decorated with red and black pigments (B. orellana and G. americana). However, the carvings added to the collection in the second half of the twentieth century are decorated with a wider range of colours and incorporate synthetic pigments. Finally, nine sculptures have evident signs of wood deterioration. The SEM analysis confirmed that the 6 of the 14 wood samples are O. pyramidale (1927.27.1309, 1935.15.0067, 1935.15.0074, 1935.15.0075, 1962.47.0013, 1962.47.0029) (Table 3). Despite no visible signs of wood deterioration in those sculptures, all samples showed signs of decay, fungi, bacteria, and abundant hyphae in the SEM analysis, indicating an apparently non-obvious state of wood decay (Figure 5).

Figure 5

(a) Tangential section from sample removed from sculpture 1935.15.0074, where abundant hyphae are found (500×). (b) Tangential section from sample removed from sculpture 1935.15.0067 (Figure 3), where abundant hyphae and decayed wood signs are found (200×).

Only one balsa wood object in the collection is classified as medicine: a small anthropomorphic carving acquired in 1971, whose documentation specifies its use as an aid in childbirth. This piece, which exhibits evident signs of deterioration and scratches, has been employed in a medicinal process where wood splinters are mixed with water for consumption (Figure 6) (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022).

Figure 6

Uggurwala anthropomorphic carving used as medicine. According to the donor: Ukarwala (palo balsa para parturition). If the Sakwa (71.23.3) and kammu (71.23.4) do not work, if it seems difficult then you give the woman to drink this. Ukarwala is the name of the wood but the piece of wood must always be shaped into a figure with the hands on the stomach. Ukarwala makes the child turn round, come out head first (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022).

The objects studied in the ICANH collection are primarily made from O. pyramidale. These carvings are classified as items for ritual use across the three cultural groups (Table 7).

The presence of pith in the ritual objects, especially the sculptures, is evident. This characteristic is also observed in the decorated balsa plaques from the Noanama or Wounaan group. Most objects are decorated with black and red pigments, likely corresponding to B. orellana and G. americana (Table 8). Unlike the Världskulturmuseet collection, the ICANH repository has less associated ethnohistoric documentation. As a result, the biography of the objects could not be extensively documented, except for three objects shown in a photograph located in the Världskulturmuseet archive (Figure 4).

The abundance of O. pyramidale in collections prompts us to reconsider how we study these types of objects stored in collections, which have traditionally been overlooked. While the acquisition of objects depends on various factors, it is assumed that collectors, anthropologists, and ethnographers have gathered items that represent the cultures and places of origin, even if the contexts around these carvings are lost during the labelling and cataloging of museum objects. By focusing on the raw material, we can trace the interactions between the people who carved them and the trees they originated from. In particular, this work examines the relationship between the Gunadule people and the uggurwala tree.

As previously emphasised, not all trees are suitable for carving the nudsugana, as every tree has its own unique characteristics and particularities that go beyond its physical properties. Among the trees, uggurwala holds a special significance in Gunadule cosmovision (Chapin, 1983; Perrin, 2007). It is considered a leader among the trees, possessing a remarkable ability to speak and engage in dialogue, which is the best trait for negotiating and deceiving the bonigana, the primary cause of disease (Fortis, 2012; Martínez-Mauri, 2020). Although it is not highly valued timber as is the case for mahogany or cocobolo trees, we have introduced its great cultural significance.

O. pyramidale, also known as balso, balsa, guano, corcho, lana, or bois flaut, is a neotropical tree species from the Malvaceae family. Its distribution ranges from Mexico to northern South America, as well as Puerto Rico (Herrera-Feijoo, 2023).

The balsa tree is found in Panama at low and medium elevations in dry, wet, or very wet places. It is common on roadsides and secondary forests throughout the country. Balsa trees can also be found on riverbanks, especially in moist soil with a high content of compost and sand (Condit, Pérez, & Daguerre, 2011) (Figure 7).

Figure 7

(a and b) Areal roots and trunk of O. pyramidale in Barro Colorado Natural Park. (c) Group of O. pyramidale trees located near the Digir cemetery in the mainland.

O. pyramidale is a species that grows very fast and its most notable physical property is its low density, which ranges between 0.06 and 0.38 g/cm³, yet it has high mechanical strength (Jang & Kang, 2022). These attributes have made it a desirable timber species, making Ecuador one of the world’s leading markets (Herrera-Feijoo, 2023). Balsa tree has a variety of uses, such as thermal, phonic, and vibration insulation in constructing rafts, buoys, special packaging, model airplanes, and cars. Additionally, the cottony hairs of the fruit are used to make mattresses, life preservers, and pillows. Moreover, balsa is an effective species for rehabilitating and reforesting degraded soils (Herrera-Feijoo, 2023; Morón & Levy, 2023; Vleut, Levy-Tacher, De Boer, Galindo-González, & Ramírez-Marcial, 2013). The tree can reach a height of 15–27 m and grows extremely fast, but from the age of 12 years, due to water saturation in the heartwood, it begins to degrade rapidly. Although it can live for about 20–30 years, its deterioration accelerates significantly after 12 years (Condit, Hubbel, & Foster, 1993; Francis, 1991; Oliveira, Quintilhan, & Caldeira, 2017; Zea-Camaño et al., 2020). In Panama, balsa trees bloom at the end of the rainy season (June–December), when other trees go dormant and no longer produce fruit. Each balsa tree flower blooms only one night and can synthesise up to 1 l of nectar, which attracts large numbers of bats and other arboreal mammals (Kays, Elizabeth, Ronderos, Valencia, & Smith, 2012).

The close relationship between the Gunadule people and the uggurwala tree has been confirmed through carvings in museums, as well as in ethnohistorical sources, specific literature, and ethnographic fieldwork. This relationship also seems to be shared with other Chibcha communities. As a result, specific carving processes associated with O. pyramidale, its uses, reuse, or disposal, the people’s own knowledge related to the tree, the characteristics of the wood, and its cultural relevance have been recorded. These findings have led to the proposal of O. pyramidale as a potential CKS.

3.2 O. pyramidale as a Potential CKS

The criteria proposed by Garibaldi and Turner (2004) for assessing the CKS status of a species, following the work of Barnes on T. cacao as a CKS among the Guna people, have been applied to evaluate the uggurwala tree (Barnes, 2008; Garibaldi & Turner, 2004). The work conducted in museums, fieldwork, and extensive literature review has been used to determine the suitability of the O. pyramidale to the quantitative criteria proposed by Garibaldi and Turner (2004) and Cristancho and Vining (2004). However, timber trees have yet to be addressed in such studies, prioritising species with primarily food uses, relegating the role of trees and their importance for cultural identities to the background. A balance has been made in which qualitative variables and the influence of sociocultural factors are prioritised for the specific case of the uggurwala tree (Axelsson & Franco, 2023; Kurz et al., 2023), even further empirical research is needed to fully understand the extent of their connection (Djoudi et al., 2022).

3.2.3 Role in Narratives, Ceremonies, or Symbolism

Closely related to the above criteria, the uggurwala tree plays a major role in healing rituals, ensuring the entire community’s well-being. It is also present in the oral tradition and, as previously mentioned, is one of the main beings in the Guna cosmovision. The role played by the nudsugana in the narratives contradicts Nordenskiöld’s hypotheses, which put them forward in the early twentieth century. Nordenskiöld classified the nudsugana as imitations of European sculptures based on the existence of carvings inspired by figures of saints, missionaries, and conquerors, some of which are currently in the Världskulturmuseet collection. However, the anthropologist underestimated the importance of the tree in these carvings and failed to recognise that the external form is not the main factor. In reality, the nudsugana embody the properties of the tree, highlighting the value of the raw material used, which has been amended in subsequent work (Martínez-Mauri, 2020; Perrin, 2007; Romero, 2023; Severi, 1987, 2000).

The O. pyramidale tree, alongside the uggurwar sculptures, constitutes an integral part of a sophisticated symbolic system imbued with profound significance. Following the conducted work, it is argued here that this symbolism can be traced through time, space, and substance. The life cycle of the sculptures is closely related to that of the tree itself, with the uggurwar born for a specific purpose and brought to life by the absogedi through carving and chanting to bring them alive. The sculptures will remain active for 8 days during the ritual and then become empty of spirit, much like the ephemeral nature of the balsa tree, which only lives for 20–30 years, and each of its flowers blooms for only one night.

The uggurwar and the O. pyramidale tree have a limited time to complete their mission and once their time is up, they will decay rapidly. Following Tayler’s (1996) approach with the balsawood carvings of the Emberá groups in Colombia, a clear contrast between the durable and the ephemeral, the individual and the collective, can be established. Unlike nudsugana, made of harder woods, the uggurwar are not carved to be preserved and everyone in the village participates in their carving as they are considered collective property. A large quantity of uggurwar is needed to fight the evil that affects everyone equally.

In terms of the spatial variable, the uggurwala tree is the first of the trees to arrive in the world, the leader that will guide the others (Severi, 2000; Wagua, 2022). Similarly, O. pyramidale is one of the first species to appear on degraded soils, characterised by favouring shade and growth for other trees. It is a pioneer species that establishes itself in clearings in groups of individuals, related to the extensive size when uggurwar are urgently needed. Collectivity is present from birth, with the foraging of trees until their death. At Digir, there is a cemetery for the uggurwar, where they are carefully placed together with the remains of the carvings and other items like nibar that took part in the ceremony (Figure 8).

Figure 8

Digir Uggurwar’s cemetery which is currently located at the mouth of the river on the mainland. The sculptures were placed together, and the wood had been decaying for 2 months.

This intertwined relationship between the variables of space, time, and substance has been understood and traced through the carvings in museum collections, proving that identifying the raw material itself is essential to understanding the complexity of these objects. Furthermore, incorporating Indigenous perspectives prompts us to reconsider how we interpret wooden material culture. It could be assumed that wood conceived to be discarded holds no cultural significance, or that harder and more durable woods hold greater importance, while in this case, the ephemeral has a great value.

3.3 O. pyramidale Relevance in the Isthmo-Colombian Area

In this section, we reflect on the possibility that O. pyramidale can also be considered as a potential CKS for the Isthmo-Colombian area. However, much work is needed on material wood culture in other groups, which has not been conducted yet. Both the Emberá and Wounaan people carve balsawood, showing similarities with the nudsugana. Within the documented ritual of the jaibana among the Emberá, there is also this hard–soft opposition between the hardwood carved ritual sticks, which are conceived as objects to be preserved, and the balsa tree wood carvings, which like the uggurwar are carved to be discarded after the ritual (Machado, 2021). The jaibana (shaman) communicates through dreams with the jai, the spirits, aided by a stick, also with similar characteristics to the Guna sticks (Marulanda, 2022; Nordenskiöld, 1927, 1929; Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1961; Tayler, 1996; Torres de Araúz, 1962; Wassén, 1963). Balsa carvings can be both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic and act as protectors and representations of ancestors. There are also decorated plaques, with black and red (G. americana and B. orellana), which are hung and placed in houses in large numbers when healing rituals are performed. More than 200 of these balsawood plaquettes are in the collection of the Världskulturmuseet, although they have not been reviewed in situ (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022).

Similarly, in healing ceremonies performed by the Wounaan people, carvings are made from balsa wood. These carvings are both anthropomorphic and zoomorphic and are intended to prevent evil spirits from causing illness. The ceremony, known as chaai K’ ĩ ir chau pa nʌm, is presided over by the shaman, or bënk’ʌʌn, who changes the direction of the spirit’s shadow to make the affected person’s face (most commonly children) unrecognisable to the spirit. Several balsa figures are carved and painted in red and black to distract the spirits. These figures, along with other carvings that represent objects or animals, are hung from house posts. Additionally, two-headed sculptures made of balsa represent this change of direction. Finally, the shaman gives a small carving to the sick child. (Velásquez-Runk, 2017) (Figure 9).

Figure 9

(a) 1927.27.531 and (b) 1927.27.749. Balsa tree carvings located at Världskulturmuseet collection classified as Emberá-Wounaan and taken by Erland Nordenskiöld (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022); (c) E-60-I-17 and (d) E-60-I-VII. Balsa tree carvings revised at ICANH ethnographic repository classified as Noanama; (e) E-62-IV-260 and (f) E-60-I-164. Balsa tree zoomorphic carvings that were revised at the ICANH ethnographic repository and classified as Emberá. All of them are ritual carvings.

Lastly, we can find the carvings of balsa wood boats or ships, which are difficult to find nowadays. In the past, both the jaibana and the Bënk’ʌʌn carved these boats to initiate shamans (Velásquez-Runk, 2017). The passengers on the boats represented the spirits they controlled. They were also exchanged between different communities for the shaman’s initiation and were highly sought after by ethnographers and collectors (Figure 10). These boats have similarities to the Guna “sun” and “moon” boats, in which occupants represent demon diseases. There is not much information about these boats, although they would share a similar function with the Wounaan mentioned above. It is also said that they represent part of the Guna mythology about the origin of the sun and the moon and that these boats were deposited next to graves to accompany the deceased on their journey after death (Tayler, 1996; Torres de Araúz, 1962) (Figure 10).

Figure 10

(a) E-60-I-64 located at ICANH ethnographic repository. Ritual boat classified as Noanama. All of the figurines are carved in balsatree. (b) 1929.10.001. Ritual boat classified as Emberá-Wounaan located at Världskulturmuseet. The boat, a gift from Captain Hans Elliot, Panama. Such a boat was sent by a medicine man with a sick person, as he goes to another medicine man to protect him on the way. (c) 1929.29.001. Ritual boat classified as Emberá-Wounaan located at Världskulturmuseet. The boat is a gift from Captain Hans Elliot, and was made for Chief Lino of Yappi, Rio el Real. He was severely ill suffering from fever and travelled from Yappi to the medicine man Selimo at Rio Sambú, with whom he died without having any use for the boat (Statens museer förvärldskultur/Carlotta, 2022).

In addition to the use of balsa wood in all kinds of objects and applications, some considerations are introduced here in a very sparing manner, which puts in common the symbolic role that O. pyramidale has for these Indigenous groups of the Isthmo-Colombian area. By exploring the criteria established to determine CKS and applying them to the Gunadule communities, we have the potential to discover unique aspects of the interactions between humans and trees in this region. Despite the great arboreal biodiversity in tropical forests, certain species may have been consistently utilised. Inquiring into this can provide new insights into the complex interactions forms which trees and humans have shaped over time.