Home Medicine Confronting the impact of teen pregnancy in Mississippi: the need for after-school programs
Article Publicly Available

Confronting the impact of teen pregnancy in Mississippi: the need for after-school programs

  • Danielle R. Bogan EMAIL logo , Rasaki Aranmolate and Anthony R. Mawson
Published/Copyright: September 18, 2019

Abstract

Although rates have decreased 8% since 2014, teen pregnancy remains a substantial public health and social problem in Mississippi and elsewhere in the US. Evidence suggests that, among teenagers, the after-school hours from 3 to 6 pm are peak times of risky sexual activity. This paper reviews recent research and programs concerning sexual risk behavior among adolescents and proposes that after-school programs would increase the daily period of supervised activity and thereby reduce risks not only of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases but would also serve to enhance scholastic attainment and hence career prospects for the future. After-school programs from 3 to 6 p.m. should incorporate a multifaceted model that includes academic enhancement and recreational activities as well as curriculum-based sex education, youth development, and service learning.

Introduction

Teen pregnancy remains a public health and social problem that poses a substantial threat to the educational and economic future of affected teens and their families nationally, statewide, and locally. The teen pregnancy rate for the US in 2013 was 43% and Mississippi ranking third-highest (46th) with 58% along with Oklahoma and Texas, behind Arkansas (49) and New Mexico (50) affecting Hispanics and African Americans compared to other races and ethnicities [1]. Although, Mississippi’s teen pregnancy rates declined 45% between 1988 and 2013, racial/ethnic and geographic disparities still exist [1]. In 2013, non-Hispanic Black females ages 15–19 years accounted for 57.1% of all pregnancies in this age group, followed by Hispanic females (40.9%), and non-Hispanic White females (36%) [2]. According to geographic variation, Mississippi Public Health Districts, III, VI and, VII have the highest teen pregnancy rates which encompass the Delta Hills (68%), East Central (52.6%), and Southwest (55%) regions of the state [2]. It is important to note that while rates vary across the state, teen pregnancy rates in eight public health districts were higher than the national average.

According to the National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy (2015), the US teen birth rate (age 15–19 years) was 22%, while that of Mississippi was 34.8% (Table 1), ranking second-highest (48th) in the country along with Oklahoma and behind Arkansas (50) [1]. In Mississippi, Hispanic females ages 15–19 years had the highest birth rate (43.8%), followed by non-Hispanic Black females (41.9%), and non-Hispanic White females (28.5%) for the state in 2015 [1]. However, most teen births in Mississippi (71%) are to older teens (ages 18–19 years) [1]. In addition, 18% of all teen births were to teens who already had a child, with a cost of $137 million for teen childbearing accounting for increased public health care, child welfare, and lost tax revenue in 2010 [1].

Table 1:

Teen birth rates (per 1000 births).

AgeHinds MississippiUS
15–19 years38.1a34.8b22.0b
10–14 years1.2a0.7a0.3a
  1. Source: aTeen Health Mississippi, 2014. bNational Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancies, 2015.

Unintended pregnancies account for 62% of all pregnancies to teens, resulting in costs of $267 million [1], which include incarceration, food stamps, child care, and healthcare expenses. The latter include: Medicaid expenditures for prenatal care; women, infant, and children programs; temporary assistance for needy families; and children’s health insurance programs. In the absence of publicly funded family planning services, teen pregnancies would have been 73% higher than that at present [1]. It is apparent that there are many challenges in reducing teen pregnancy in Mississippi; such as, the lack of resources (time and public funding), administrative support, services for reproductive and sexual health, ineffective communication with decreased parental involvement and stigma, and poor evaluations of programs. Therefore, we propose that the introduction of after-school programs would have many beneficial effects in addition to lowering rates of teen pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). They could enhance educational attainment and the likelihood of high school and college completion, thereby raising employment prospects and rates. Teens who aspire to a promising educational future and career tend to delay sexual involvement, use contraceptives more consistently, and avoid unintended pregnancies or birth.

Previous studies have shown that after-school programs are associated with lower rates of exposure to violence, lower rates of teen pregnancy, and improved academic performance among youth [9], [10], [11]. Data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), suggests that teens who delayed sexual intercourse tend to graduate from high school and perform better academically than their counterparts who were sexually active [12]. In addition, the dropout rate among teens who delayed sex before 18 was significantly lower (8.6%) when compared to 21% dropout rate among teens who engaged in sexual intercourse. In general, teens that are sexually active have a higher dropout rate than teens that were sexually inactive [12]. Add Health data estimated 15.8% of teens who delayed sexual activity would graduate from college when compared to 7.4% sexually active teens. Furthermore, the data revealed that 42.5% of teens who were not sexually active through high school would likely attend college as compared to 22.6% of teens who became sexually active before 18 were attending or had graduated from college [12].

Background

Trends in teen pregnancy rates reflect shifts in sexual behaviors and public policies that drive high teen birth rates among minority populations. Table 2 compares the percentages and distribution of adolescent sexual behavior among high school students in the US, in Mississippi and in New Hampshire. Mississippi had a substantially increased risk for teen pregnancy and STDs, with 33.8% of high school students reporting being currently sexually active compared to 11.5% nationwide [13]. In addition, 48.0% of Mississippi high school students reported ever having sex, 8.3% having sex before the age of 13 years, and 15.5% having sex with four or more sexual partners during their lifetime (Table 2) [13].

Table 2:

Sexual behavior among high school students: a comparison between Mississippi, New Hampshire, and the US, 2015.

MississippiNew HampshireUS
Total, n (%)Total, n (%)Total, n (%)
Ever had sex1671 (48.0)13,785 (39.4)13,988 (41.25)
Had sex before 131682 (8.3)14,335 (2.0)13,932 (3.9)
Currently sexually active1681 (33.8)14,381 (31.1)13,910 (11.5)
Multiple partners1685 (15.5)13,910 (30.1)
No form of contraception476 (14.8)4339 (7.8)4071 (13.8)
  1. Source: Center for Disease Control and Prevention, Youth Risk Behavioral Survey (YRBSS), 2015.

Due to the social and economic burden of teen pregnancy, the Mississippi State Legislature passed House Bill (HB) 999 in 2011, requiring public schools in the state and local districts to implement age-appropriate sex education curricula for middle and high school students. HB 999 requires schools to develop medically accurate “abstinence only” programs (i.e. teaching that abstaining from sexual activity is the only truly effective way to prevent unintended pregnancy) and “abstinence plus” (which focuses on delaying the initiation of sexual activity and recommends the use of contraceptives if a teen is sexually active), which are curriculum-based sex education programs [3].

The importance of after-school programs

Research has shown that the hours of 3 pm and 6 pm are the ones most likely to be associated with risky sexual behaviors [1], [4]. Such behaviors can result in acquiring STDs, including human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), as well as unintended pregnancy. In fact, one in four sexually active African-American adolescents reported that they had engaged in sex during the hours immediately after school [1]. To minimize unsupervised time, many states have introduced after-school programs for adolescents. In national surveys, two-thirds of teens ages 12–19 years reported: “it would be easier to postpone sexual activity and avoid pregnancy if they could have open, honest conversations with their parents who have the most influence on their decisions about sex”, regarding their morals, values and religious beliefs. However, nine out of 10 of those aged 12–19 years who were surveyed reported that: “it would be a lot easier for teens to delay sex if other teens spoke positively about not having sex and would be less likely to engage in sexual activity if they were aware their peers were not sexually active” [1].

For both boys and girls, sports participation is associated with better contraception use [5], [6]. Also, engaging religious leaders and the faith community as stakeholders may have a positive effect on pregnancy risk and sexual behavior. Several studies suggest that teens who regularly attend church services and are involved in religious activities are less likely to initiate sex and/or use contraceptives [7].

Moreover, effective after-school programs in the industrialized environment can result in favorable outcomes among large numbers of at-risk youth [10], [14], [15]. These data suggest that after-school programs that are multifaceted and that incorporate all three categories in-one (i.e. curriculum-based sex education, youth development, and service learning), could provide a model teen pregnancy prevention program that could be implemented in different settings.

Review of current evidence-based after-school programs

Models for teen pregnancy prevention are of three kinds: school-based, clinic-based, and community-based interventions. Although the school-based program is a requirement, the curriculum is decided by the local school board in each district [3]. As noted, the teen pregnancy rate has decreased by 8% since 2014 [1]. Still, modifications to the current program should be enhanced to reduce this public health indicator even further.

Current after-school programs tend to focus on one of the following areas: curriculum-based sex education, community service, and youth learning. Sex education programs focus on delaying the initiation of sexual activity and recommend comprehensive approaches to the prevention of contraceptives and STDs [4]. Youth development programs involve relationships, peer pressure, decision-making, communication skills, adolescent health and sexual development, and college and career goal setting [4]. Service learning through volunteer programs engage participants in their communities [4]. Such multicomponent and structured approaches to teen pregnancy prevention usually include abstinence as the safest choice. They also encourage young people who are having sex to use condoms and/or other methods of contraception. Comprehensive approaches to teen pregnancy and STD prevention may have the greatest impact on teen pregnancy risk, for some populations. For example, the Children’s Aid Society-Carrera program reduced teen pregnancy and birth rates among African-American and Hispanic females for the 3 years that participants were in the program. “Some less intensive curriculum-based sex education programs that demonstrated short-term effects are determining the subsequent “booster” sessions can prolong their impact” [16]. For example, in Mississippi, the Indianola Delta Alliance and Jackson-based programs, Be a Responsible Teen (BART) were designed to reduce STDs and HIV as well as teen pregnancy for low-income middle or high school African-American boys and girls. Participants were randomly assigned to either a control educational program that met one time for a 2-h class on HIV/AIDS or an 8-week session implementation of the BART curriculum [16]. In Jackson, MS, evaluation of the program showed that participants used condoms more often after the completion of the intervention compared to the control group (education-only) of teens (83% vs. 62%, respectively). “Females (not males) in the program were more likely to use condoms 1 year after BART than were females in the control group (72% vs. 50%, respectively)” [16]. “Among the participants who were sexually active during the 2-months prior to the study, 42.5% assigned to the control group reported being sexually active at the 1-year follow up, while 27.1% assigned to the BART program reported being sexually active” [16]. Also, participants who were sexually active at the onset of the program, reported a lower rate of sexual activity than the control group (11.5% vs. 31.1%, respectively) [16]. As a result, the program lowered the rate of sexual activity among those who were initially sexually active and delayed the onset of sexual activity for participants who were virgins prior to entering the program.

Components of a high quality after-school program

According to the U.S. Department of Education publication, Working for Children and Families: Safe and Smart After-School Programs [8] there are nine components to high-quality after-school programs. These are:

  • Goal setting, strong management, and sustainability.

  • Quality after-school staffing.

  • High academic standards.

  • Attention to safety, health, and nutrition issues.

  • Effective partnerships with community-based organizations, juvenile justice agencies, law enforcement, and youth groups

  • Strong involvement of families.

  • Enriching learning opportunities.

  • Linkages between during-school and after-school personnel.

  • Evaluation of program progress and effectiveness.

Implications and recommendations

Given the factors of high “stimulus-seeking” activity in the teenage years, and the typical absence of adult supervision in the after-school hours, advocacy for teen pregnancy prevention should focus less on abstinence and sexual health-related programs and more on reducing opportunities for sexual activity via after-school programs. Such programs could serve to reduce risks of STDs, juvenile delinquency, and involvement in the criminal justice system as well as enhance school attainment and career opportunities [17]. The literature suggests that conservative policies on health and social problems in the US have not improved the general well-being of minority populations, but rather have obstructed the health of minority youth [16]. Certainly, there are limitations to the effectiveness of health education modalities that concentrate on promoting abstinence from sex among adolescents [18]. In conclusion, our review suggests that to reduce rates of teen pregnancy, the focus of public policy should be on developing well-supervised and high-quality after-school and summer programs for low-income children rather than on sex education alone. Such programs can be expected to have the effect of simultaneously addressing and reducing rates of teen pregnancy and STDs as well as increasing classroom success and educational attainment, and ultimately reducing social and health inequities in Mississippi and beyond [17].

References

[1] National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy. National and state data. 2015 [cited 2016 Nov 6]. Available at: https://thenationalcampaign.org/data/landing.Search in Google Scholar

[2] Mississippi Department of Health. Mississippi statistically automated health resource system (MSTAHRS). 2017 [cited 2016 Nov 6]. Available at: http://mstahrs.msdh.ms.gov/.Search in Google Scholar

[3] Center for Disease Control and Prevention. Preventing repeat teen births. 2013 [cited 2016 Nov 6]. Available at: https://www.cdc.gov/vitalsigns/pdf/2013-04-vitalsigns.pdf.Search in Google Scholar

[4] National Conference of State Legislatures. Mississippi: teen pregnancy. State policy options. 2015 [cited 2016 Nov 6]. Available at: https://www.ncsl.org/documents/health/TPreMSStatePolicyOptions115.pdf.Search in Google Scholar

[5] After School Alliance. What is the after-school alliance? 2017 [cited 2016 Nov 6]. Available at: https://www.afterschoolalliance.org.aboutUs.cfm.Search in Google Scholar

[6] Lehman SJ, Koerner SS. Adolescent women’s sports involvement and sexual behavior/health: a process-level investigation. J Youth Adolesc. 2004;33(5):443–5.10.1023/B:JOYO.0000037636.22596.41Search in Google Scholar

[7] Miller KE, Barnes GM, Melnick MJ, Sabo D, Farrell MP. Gender and racial/ethnic differences in predicting adolescent sexual risk: athletic participation vs exercise. J Health Soc Behav. 2002;43:436–50.10.2307/3090236Search in Google Scholar

[8] Teen Health Mississippi. Hinds. 2014. Available at: http://teenhealthms.org/county-stats/hinds/.Search in Google Scholar

[9] U.S. Department of Education. Components of a high quality after school program: working for children and families safe and smart. 2001. Available at: http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED441579.pdf.Search in Google Scholar

[10] Fashola OS. Developing the talents of African-American male students during the non-school hours. Urban Educ. 2003;38:398–430.10.1177/0042085903038004004Search in Google Scholar

[11] Hirsch BJ. A place to call home: after-school programs for urban youth. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association, 2005.10.1037/11087-000Search in Google Scholar

[12] Woodland MH. A validity study of scores on the personal and academic self-concept inventory based on a sample of black college males. J Black Psychol. 2008;34:452–78.10.1177/0095798408316795Search in Google Scholar

[13] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Youth risk behavioral survey. 2015. Available at: https://www.cdc.gov/YRBSS.Search in Google Scholar

[14] Johnson K, Rector R. Teenage sexual abstinence and academic achievement. The Heritage Foundation. The Heritage Foundation. 2003. Available at: http://www.heritage.org/education/report/teenage-sexual-abstinence-and-academic-achievement.Search in Google Scholar

[15] Posner JK, Vandell DL. Low-income children’s after-school care: are there beneficial effects of after-school programs? Child Dev. 1994;65:440–56.10.2307/1131395Search in Google Scholar

[16] Vandell DL, Corasaniti MA. The relation between third graders’ afterschool care and social, academic, and emotional functioning. Child Dev. 1988;59:868–75.10.2307/1130254Search in Google Scholar

[17] Manlove J, Franzetta K, McKinney K, Romano-Papillo A, Terry-Humen E. A good time: after-school programs to reduce teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2004.Search in Google Scholar

[18] Silk J, Romero DJ. The role of parents and families in teen pregnancy prevention: an analysis of programs and policies. J Fam Issues. 2013;35(10):1339–62.10.1177/0192513X13481330Search in Google Scholar

Received: 2017-12-08
Accepted: 2018-01-14
Published Online: 2019-09-18

©2018 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston

Articles in the same Issue

  1. Review
  2. Confronting the impact of teen pregnancy in Mississippi: the need for after-school programs
  3. Original Articles
  4. Needs assessment for gender sensitive reproductive health services for adolescents
  5. Knowledge of emergency management of avulsed tooth among intern dental students: a questionnaire based study
  6. Factors associated with time between using a drug and injection initiation among people who inject drugs in Kermanshah, Iran
  7. Environmental perceptions and its associations with physical fitness and body composition in adolescents: longitudinal results from the LabMed Physical Activity Study
  8. Health promoting behaviors of staff in a university of medical sciences in southeast of Iran
  9. Investigating adolescents’ sweetened beverage consumption and Western fast food restaurant visits in China, 2006–2011
  10. An examination of eating disorder education and experience in a 1-month adolescent medicine rotation: what is sufficient to foster adequate self-efficacy?
  11. Tobacco use: the main predictor of illicit substances use among young adolescents in Sousse, Tunisia
  12. Integrated training (practicing, peer clinical training and OSCE assessment): a ladder to promote learning and training
  13. One-year changes in physical activity and sedentary behavior among adolescents: the Croatian Physical Activity in Adolescence Longitudinal Study (CRO-PALS)
  14. Feasibility and acceptability of the Bod Pod procedure and changes in body composition from admission to discharge in adolescents hospitalized with eating disorders
  15. Barriers to contraceptive use among adolescents in two semi-rural Nicaraguan communities
  16. The association between school bullying victimization and substance use among adolescents in Malawi: the mediating effect of loneliness
  17. Assessment of dietary habits and nutritional status among adolescent girls in a rural area of Puducherry: a community-based cross-sectional study
Downloaded on 31.12.2025 from https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/ijamh-2017-0210/html
Scroll to top button