Abstract
This paper compares nationalist attitudes among Whites, Latinos, and African Americans. The research on nationalism and national attachment draws varied conclusions about how race and ethnicity structure such attitudes; some find that Whites have the strongest views, while others see more similarities than differences. Using the General Social Survey of 2014, we examine three separate dimensions of nationalism: American nationalism, American national identity, and American national pride. We test for differences across race and ethnicity as well as how such attitudes structure opinions about immigrants. Despite some expectations in the literature that views might vary by group, we generally find (albeit with some complexities) “minimal effects” of race and ethnicity. Latinos, Blacks, and Whites agree with the three nationalism measures at similar levels, despite the very different national histories of each group. This is consistent with work finding “a great deal of consensus on the norms, values, and behaviors that constitute American identity” (Schildkraut 2007. “Defining American Identity in the Twenty-First Century: How Much “There” Is There?”.” The Journal of Politics v69 (3): 597–615, 605). In addition, while nationalism is associated with immigration opinions, such effects are predominantly among Whites and African Americans and relatively weak for Latinos.
Predictors of national attachments moderated by race/ethnicity, linear regression estimates.
Nationalism | National Identity | National Pride | |
---|---|---|---|
Black | −0.249 (0.375) | −0.043 (0.365) | 0.048 (0.223) |
Latino | 0.149 (0.336) | 0.328 (0.354) | 0.254 (0.205) |
Age | 0.009d (0.002) | 0.010d (0.002) | 0.006d (0.001) |
Black # age | 0.005 (0.004) | 0.003 (0.004) | −0.000 (0.002) |
Latino # age | −0.004 (0.004) | −0.006a (0.004) | −0.005 (0.003) |
Family income | −0.000 (0.006) | −0.020c (0.007) | 0.001 (0.005) |
Black # family income | −0.019 (0.019) | −0.004 (0.028) | −0.031b (0.013) |
Latino # family income | −0.001 (0.029) | −0.046a (0.025) | −0.008 (0.015) |
Education | −0.110d (0.021) | −0.157d (0.022) | −0.000 (0.013) |
Black # education | 0.082 (0.055) | 0.067 (0.082) | 0.045 (0.042) |
Latino # education | 0.085 (0.056) | 0.172 b (0.065) | 0.077 b (0.036) |
Female | −0.064 (0.052) | 0.083a (0.047) | −0.070b (0.034) |
Black # female | −0.051 (0.135) | −0.110 (0.136) | −0.055 (0.097) |
Latino # female | −0.112 (0.121) | −0.018 (0.111) | −0.044 (0.090) |
Partisan ID | 0.025 (0.018) | 0.006 (0.018) | 0.012 (0.012) |
Black # Partisan ID | −0.019 (0.045) | 0.005 (0.051) | 0.031 (0.029) |
Latino # Partisan ID | −0.028 (0.049) | −0.029 (0.047) | −0.026 (0.026) |
Ideology | 0.078c (0.026) | 0.109d (0.024) | 0.042b (0.019) |
Black # ideology | 0.003 (0.056) | −0.041 (0.050) | −0.027 (0.034) |
Latino # ideology | −0.030 (0.064) | −0.044 (0.054) | −0.016 (0.036) |
Catholic | 0.099 (0.066) | 0.002 (0.075) | 0.105c (0.039) |
Black # Catholic | −0.065 (0.154) | 0.097 (0.143) | 0.049 (0.144) |
Latino # Catholic | 0.012 (0.139) | 0.250 (0.164) | −0.080 (0.099) |
Service attendance | 0.022b (0.010) | −0.002 (0.010) | 0.003 (0.007) |
Black # service attendance | −0.013 (0.023) | 0.040 (0.028) | 0.014 (0.017) |
Latino # service attendance | 0.004 (0.024) | 0.017 (0.024) | −0.000 (0.018) |
Constant | 3.106d (0.151) | 2.503d (0.142) | 2.594d (0.105) |
F-statistics | 7.58d | 13.71d | 4.95d |
Observations | 1219 | 1219 | 1219 |
-
2014 General Social Survey. OLS coefficients presented, standard errors in parentheses. a p < 0.10, b p < 0.05, c p < 0.01, d p < 0.001.
Measures of immigrant attitudes, overall and by race/ethnicity.
Question Text | Sample | White | Black | Latino |
---|---|---|---|---|
|
3.07 | 2.95 | 2.76 | 3.63 |
|
3.42 | 3.29 | 3.26 | 3.88 |
|
3.63 | 3.55 | 3.45 | 3.92 |
|
3.40 | 3.31 | 3.50 | 3.61 |
|
3.44 | 3.44 | 3.20 | 3.56 |
Index mean | 3.39 | 3.30 | 3.23 | 3.72 |
Cronbach’s α | 0.77 | 0.80 | 0.69 | 0.66 |
Observations | 1274 | 827 | 182 | 217 |
-
Table entries are weighted sample means of observations from the 2014 General Social Survey. Missing data filled with multiple imputation procedure Amelia II. Subgroup entries are derived by Taylor Series estimation using STATA’s “svy” procedure for survey data.
Predictors of supportive immigration attitudes, linear regression estimates.
Aggregate | White | Black | Latino | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Black | 0.021(0.072) | – | – | – |
Latino | 0.489d(0.061) | – | – | – |
Nationalism | −0.137d(0.034) | −0.150c(0.044) | −0.187b(0.085) | −0.033(0.068) |
National identity | −0.242d(0.027) | −0.301d (0.038) | −0.169b(0.072) | −0.164b(0.065) |
National pride | 0.276d (0.054) | 0.327d (0.065) | 0.541d (0.123) | 0.024(0.099) |
Age | 0.001(0.001) | 0.001(0.002) | 0.002(0.003) | 0.003(0.003) |
Family income | 0.002(0.007) | 0.006(0.009) | 0.017(0.019) | −0.020(0.012) |
Education | 0.093d (0.023) | 0.100d (0.025) | 0.065(0.053) | 0.064(0.049) |
Female | −0.017(0.042) | −0.019(0.051) | 0.047(0.098) | −0.093(0.097) |
Partisan ID | −0.018(0.013) | −0.024(0.017) | 0.041(0.034) | 0.013(0.036) |
Ideology | −0.039a(0.023) | −0.036(0.032) | −0.045(0.040) | −0.015(0.048) |
Catholic | 0.09a(0.057) | 0.029(0.053) | −0.316b(0.151) | 0.268c(0.097) |
Service attendance | 0.004(0.009) | −0.011(0.011) | 0.033(0.021) | 0.033a(0.018) |
Constant | 3.531d(0.163) | 3.634d(0.195) | 2.371d(0.448) | 3.923d(0.302) |
F-statistics | 35.12d | 30.28d | 8.20d | 2.11b |
Observations | 1219 | 813 | 162 | 244 |
-
2014 General Social Survey. OLS coefficients presented, standard errors in parentheses. a p < 0.10, b p < 0.05, c p < 0.01, d p < 0.001.
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© 2022 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Introduction
- Introduction: Volume 20 Issue 1: Public Opinion in America
- Articles
- Explanations for Inequality and Partisan Polarization in the U.S., 1980–2020
- Collective Narcissism and Perceptions of the (Il)legitimacy of the 2020 US Election
- Two Sides of the Same Coin? Race, Racial Resentment, and Public Opinion Toward Financial Compensation of College Athletes
- Public Perceptions of the Supreme Court: How Policy Disagreement Affects Legitimacy
- Do Elite Appeals to Negative Partisanship Stimulate Citizen Engagement?
- Who Are Leaners? How True Independents Differ from the Weakest Partisans and Why It Matters
- Nationalism in the ‘Nation of Immigrants’: Race, Ethnicity, and National Attachment
- The Social Foundations of Public Support for Political Compromise
- Books Reviews
- Meghan Condon, and Amber Wichowsky: The Economic Other: Inequality in the American Political Imagination
- Daniel W. Drezner: The Toddler-in-Chief: What Donald J. Trump Teaches Us About the Modern Presidency
Artikel in diesem Heft
- Frontmatter
- Introduction
- Introduction: Volume 20 Issue 1: Public Opinion in America
- Articles
- Explanations for Inequality and Partisan Polarization in the U.S., 1980–2020
- Collective Narcissism and Perceptions of the (Il)legitimacy of the 2020 US Election
- Two Sides of the Same Coin? Race, Racial Resentment, and Public Opinion Toward Financial Compensation of College Athletes
- Public Perceptions of the Supreme Court: How Policy Disagreement Affects Legitimacy
- Do Elite Appeals to Negative Partisanship Stimulate Citizen Engagement?
- Who Are Leaners? How True Independents Differ from the Weakest Partisans and Why It Matters
- Nationalism in the ‘Nation of Immigrants’: Race, Ethnicity, and National Attachment
- The Social Foundations of Public Support for Political Compromise
- Books Reviews
- Meghan Condon, and Amber Wichowsky: The Economic Other: Inequality in the American Political Imagination
- Daniel W. Drezner: The Toddler-in-Chief: What Donald J. Trump Teaches Us About the Modern Presidency