The Role of Media in Building Social Tolerance in Kyrgyzstan’s Ethno-Cultural Diversity

1 Introduction

Kyrgyzstan is a multinational country where ethnic and cultural diversity is an integral part of society. The media also reflects the linguistic diversity of a multicultural society (Sharshenova, 2024). The newspapers are published in Kyrgyz, Russian, Uzbek, Uighur, Turkish, and Korean, reflecting the linguistic diversity of the local population of Kyrgyzstan (Media Support Centre, 2024). The TV programme “We are Kyrgyz” of the National Broadcasting Corporation of the Kyrgyz Republic (KTRK) dwells on the culture and traditions, and achievements of ethnic minorities living in Kyrgyzstan. “Dostuk” online radio broadcasts in the languages of the ethnic groups living in Kyrgyzstan until 2020: in Dungan, Tatar, Uyghur, Polish, Ukrainian, and other languages; and broadcasted with the slogan “Our strength is in unity.” Every weekend, representatives of various diasporas living in Kyrgyzstan were invited to appear on the air. The main areas of programming on Dostuk online radio were educational programmes, accounting for more than 60% of the weekly airtime; music programmes, accounting for 37%; and literary programmes, accounting for about 3%. Radio Dostuk and Baldar FM stopped broadcasting in 2020 due to the pandemic and the optimisation of the organisational structure of KTRK radio channels (Duishekeeva, 2019). However, some programmes in the Dungan, Ukrainian, Polish, Tatar, and Uyghur languages continue to be broadcast on the Kyrgyz Radio KTRK network.

However, inter-ethnic interaction between different ethnic groups is still a significant problem, which makes it increasingly important to study public sentiment and tools to influence the audience through the country’s most popular media. Determination of how the media covers ethnic and cultural issues will help to develop strategies to reduce ethnic tensions and promote mutual respect and peaceful co-existence between different ethnic groups (Sheryazdanova et al., 2024). In the context of Kyrgyzstani multinational society, such research contributes to strengthening social cohesion and preventing inter-ethnic conflicts.

The media plays a crucial role in shaping inter-ethnic relations and social tolerance, particularly in diverse societies such as Kyrgyzstan (Mukambaeva et al., 2023). Historically being a platform for inter-ethnic solidarity, it has increasingly become a tool for state influence, particularly under President Zhaparov’s administration. Since 2020, restrictions on press and academic freedoms, alongside the adoption of a Russian-style “foreign agents” law, have signalled a shift towards authoritarianism (Daminov, 2024; Panier, 2024). Research highlights the media’s dual function in fostering cohesion or amplifying ethnic tensions, with digital platforms both promoting and restricting tolerance (Dall’Agnola & Wood, 2022). The broader context of digital authoritarianism in Central Asia further underscores the role of media control in shaping public discourse (Kurmanov & Knox, 2022; Turemuratov et al., 2024).

Inter-ethnic tensions in Kyrgyzstan, particularly between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks, have periodically escalated into violent conflicts, most notably in 1990 and 2010. Studies attribute these tensions to historical grievances, economic competition, and political instability, with the media playing a significant role in shaping public perception (Rezvani, 2013). Soviet-era policies of national delimitation reinforced ethnic divisions, while weak governance has sustained these fractures. Recent research examines the evolving nature of inter-ethnic identity. Imyarova (2022) highlights the fluidity of ethnic identity in response to socio-political contexts, while Khamidov and Nolle (2024) challenge assumptions about religion’s role in ethnic divisions, finding that Islamic religiosity among Kyrgyz correlates with greater acceptance of Uzbeks.

The role of the media in shaping inter-ethnic perceptions, particularly during periods of conflict, is also highlighted. Atykanova and Arzymatova (2022) and Matyakubova (2015) contend that in the aftermath of the 2010 Osh conflict, Kyrgyz media frequently depicted Uzbeks in a negative light, thereby reinforcing nationalist sentiments and justifying discriminatory measures. Concurrently, official state rhetoric sought to minimise ethnic divisions, thereby further hindering efforts at reconciliation. These observations are consistent with the earlier research by Tatischeva (2012), who emphasised the absence of balanced media coverage in Kyrgyzstan on inter-ethnic issues, leading to an “information vacuum” that hinders the formation of a nuanced understanding of conflict dynamics.

The aspects of cultural globalisation that have a significant impact on inter-ethnic relations, both negatively and positively (e.g., in promoting tolerance and introducing correct terms for persons of different nationalities, religions, cultures, and gender identities), are also noteworthy (Kawiana et al., 2023; Limaj, 2022). The positive influence of the media in this context is mentioned by Sadykova et al. (2022) in a comparison of the situations in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The positive and negative impacts of the media (among other instruments of influence on the Kyrgyz society through language methods) were discussed by Mambetaliev (2022), who analysed how the language used in the media exacerbated and dampened inter-ethnic conflicts and disagreements in Kyrgyzstan, created nationalist sentiments, and even provoked radicalism towards representatives of other nations and ethnicities.

The amount of research on the role of the media in shaping inter-ethnic relations is quite significant, but few have addressed the role of the media in shaping tolerance in society in the context of ethnic and cultural diversity, which determines the relevance and necessity of this study. In addition, it is worth mentioning that media policy regularly changes in line with international and domestic political changes, political decisions, and situational events, which leads to the need for regular and up-to-date research on such changes and innovations.

Thus, the study aims to analyse and evaluate the impact of the media on the formation of tolerance in the Kyrgyz society in the context of ethno-cultural diversity. The study hypothesised that Kyrgyz mass media has a significant impact on the formation of tolerance and respect for ethno-cultural diversity. The tasks were as follows:

• Analyse the content and impact of Kyrgyz media on inter-ethnic relations and tolerance.

• Evaluate the role of media in shaping inter-ethnic tolerance and develop recommendations for improvement.

2 Materials and Methods

According to the data provided by the BBC website (Kyrgyzstan Media Guide, 2023), as well as resources such as the analytical report by Kemp (2024) and a report by the United States Agency for International Development (2023), which compiled a detailed report on the use of different types and types of media as well as analysed the audience in Kyrgyzstan, the following TV channels were selected for the analysis: KTRK, Rossiya RTR, KTRK Balastan, KTRK Ala-Too 24, ORT (Channel 1), Mir TV, and Osh TV, as well as media and news websites of Azattyk Radio, Kaktus Media, Kabar News Agency, Sputnik News, Turmush, and Kloop, which were identified as the sources with the highest demand and influence on the Kyrgyz audience. The diversity presented makes it possible to analyse the real role of the media in shaping tolerance in society in the context of ethno-cultural diversity.

The data collection was based on an analysis of media ratings and popularity metrics, sourced primarily from Kemp (2024) and the “Media Consumption in Kyrgyzstan” (United States Agency…, 2023) reports. Additional data were obtained from official sources, such as channel websites, YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, Telegram, and Twitter (X) channels, as well as from materials posted on these platforms.

The analysis included a study of the popularity of the media, the number and quality of publications on tolerance, inter-ethnic and ethnic hatred, ethno-cultural diversity, other related aspects, content analysis of the selected materials based on the subject matter, tone, sources of information used, involvement of experts, language and rhetoric, representation of different ethnic groups, the format of materials, editorial policy and media values, availability of case studies, and real-life examples on the stated topic. The reaction and its manifestations among the audience were measured using the average number of views, comments, reposts, and likes.

The research procedure included data collection, analysis of social discussions, and measurement of approval and engagement. Data on views, likes, comments, and subscribers of the selected media outlets were collected using VidIQ’s online tools and official sources. The approval rate was calculated as the ratio of average number of likes to the average number of views, expressed as a percentage, using formula (1):

The engagement rate was calculated as the ratio of the sum of the average number of likes and the average number of comments to the average number of views, expressed in percentage, using formula (2):

The popularity rate of content on YouTube was determined using the average number of views per subscriber using formula (3):

For data collection and analysis, VidIQ software (browser extension applications for analysing key metrics of YouTube videos), YouTube’s official analytics tools (primarily YouTube Analytics, the main tool for analysing channel data, which provides detailed information on views, subscribers, revenue, traffic sources, audience demographics, user behaviour, and so on), and other social platforms (number of views, reactions, reposts, comments) were used, and Excel was employed for statistical data processing and graphing.

The methodology used provides a comprehensive approach to analysing the role of the Kyrgyz media in constructing the specifics of the audience’s perception of tolerance, cultural and ethnic diversity, and positive interaction with representatives of other nationalities.

3 Results

Ethnic and cultural diversity in Kyrgyzstan is a defining feature of its social structure, with groups such as Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Russians, Uighurs, and Dungans contributing to the country’s cultural landscape. Historical and political shifts, particularly Soviet-era policies of social engineering, played a role in shaping inter-ethnic relations. These policies included industrial development, urbanisation, and the promotion of Russian as a lingua franca, fostering a shared Soviet identity while also generating tensions. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, economic instability and social restructuring exacerbated ethnic tensions (Lottholz, 2018; Podra et al., 2020).

Examples of such political clashes, social unrest, and riots include the June 2010 inter-ethnic conflict in Osh (Lottholz, 2018), localised inter-ethnic conflicts such as the conflict in Iskra village, Chui district, Chui province, in 2007 between Kyrgyz and Dungans (Tokmakov, 2012); the conflict in Petrovka village, Chui region, in 2009 between Kurds and Russians (Papko, 2023); the so-called Bishkek riots of 2024, which resulted in clashes between local youth and foreign students (Human Rights Watch, 2024). At the same time, Atykanova (2022) notes that the media in Kyrgyzstan frequently either escalated the situation, as was the case with the 1990 Osh conflict, when it was the media that began to publish provocative messages with social and psychological content, or with the June 2010 events, when TV channels such as “Mezon TV,” “Osh TV,” and “DDD,” as well as newspapers such as “Diydor,” “Mezon,” “Akhborot,” and others were used by politicians to incite inter-ethnic conflict, or to silence the aspect of inter-ethnic conflict, focusing on another aspect of the problem (as happened, for example, during the 2009 conflict in the village of Petrovka, Chui Oblast, when the media focused on the inaction of the police in investigating a paedophile case).

Nevertheless, a shift in the media landscape towards a more controlled and cautious approach to reporting on inter-ethnic conflicts began to take effect after 2010. The Jalal-Abad riots of May 2010 are regarded as a significant example in this regard, given the role media narratives played in shaping public perception during this period. Initial reports, which largely echoed official statements emphasising law enforcement efforts, were later shown to be an oversimplification of a more complex situation, with independent analyses highlighting deep-seated ethnic tensions as a key factor in the unrest. A particularly illuminating case study is that of Ulugbek Abdusalamov, editor-in-chief of the Diydor newspaper. He was prosecuted for allegedly inciting inter-ethnic discord, reflecting the broader state strategy of regulating conflict-related media coverage. This shift underscores the evolution of the media’s role, transitioning from a platform that, on occasion, served to exacerbate tensions to a more regulated space where, while maintaining a neutral tone, and it frequently avoids in-depth discussions of the root causes of ethnic conflict.

As of early 2024, inter-ethnic relations in Kyrgyzstan present a mixed picture. While educational programs have promoted awareness and respect for cultural diversity, social and economic challenges such as poverty and unemployment continue to fuel tensions, particularly in the southern regions (Chupak, 2024; Suprun, 2024). Despite state efforts to prevent conflicts, sporadic inter-ethnic clashes still occur, underscoring the need for stronger social cohesion measures.

Social media significantly influences the media space of Kyrgyzstan, especially in the context of political and social conflicts. Following the 2020 elections and subsequent protests, the activities of the so-called troll factories, which use fake accounts to manipulate public opinion and attack opposition politicians and activists, have intensified (Spytska, 2024). This increases polarisation in society and creates additional challenges for journalists and media experts (Turdubaeva, 2021). Despite these challenges, independent media in Kyrgyzstan continue to strive for transparency and objectivity. They are significant in informing the public and supporting democratic processes. International organisations, such as International Media Support (IMS) (2010), actively support Kyrgyz media in their pursuit of independence and professionalism by offering training and financial support. After the events of 2010, the state addressed the role of the media in fostering tolerance in society in the context of ethno-cultural diversity, but it is only possible to assess the actual implementation of the tasks set in this regard by analysing current trends in journalistic materials. According to the data provided by the BBC website (Kyrgyzstan Media Guide, 2023), the most popular medium is television, both public and private (there are more than a dozen private stations), with Russian and Russian-language networks registering huge audiences. Most radio stations are privately owned, and only a few broadcasts nationwide. The publishing sector, on the other hand, is suffering a decline in interest, and consequently in sales and financial capabilities. According to Kemp (2024), the Internet segment is substantial. As of the beginning of 2024, 5.35 million of the 8.08 million population are active users of the Internet, which is 66.3%, and Instagram is the most popular social media platform with approximately 1.6 million users. The biggest problem is the self-censorship of the media and the “arbitrary” blocking of websites due to anti-extremism legislation.

According to a global study by the United States Agency for International Development (2023), at the end of 2023, social media was the main source of information for the population, while print media received the lowest ranking (Figure 1).

Figure 1

Sources of information in Kyrgyzstan, 2023. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

The popularity of television, radio, and print media is gradually declining, while online sources of information continue to grow steadily, although the level of trust in online sources is still lower than in other types of media (Figure 2).

Figure 2

Trust in information sources in Kyrgyzstan, 2023. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

At the same time, the level of trust and frequency of using information sources depends on the age of the audience (Figure 3).

Figure 3

Sources of information according to the age of the audience in Kyrgyzstan, 2023. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

Thus, the analysis of Internet media and television as the media that have the greatest distribution and influence on the audience of Kyrgyzstan, and which can influence the formation of tolerance in society in the context of ethno-cultural diversity, is relevant. Kyrgyzstani television is broadcast in three main languages (Kyrgyz, Russian, and Uzbek), but it is also possible to find content in other languages. At the same time, it is important to clarify whether the reference is to Russian-language media produced in Kyrgyzstan or to Russian media consumed in Kyrgyzstan, as their influence and narratives may differ. At the same time, Kyrgyz and Russian are the preferred languages for viewing (Figure 4).

Figure 4

Preferred languages of TV content among Kyrgyz viewers as of the end of 2023. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

At the same time, there is a significant difference between preferences depending on the age of the audience and the region of residence (Figures 5 and 6).

Figure 5

Preferred languages of TV content among viewers of different age categories at the end of 2023. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

Figure 6

Preferred languages of TV content among viewers in different regions of Kyrgyzstan as of the end of 2023. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

At the same time, Bishkek is the most Russified city, and the Batken region is distinguished by the highest consumption of content in the Kyrgyz language (32% of Kyrgyz versus 67% of Russian-language content in Bishkek, 70% of Kyrgyz versus 23% of Russian, and 7% of Uzbek in Batken region). The most popular and consumed type of television product is news (Figure 7).

Figure 7

Preferred TV content. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

The United States Agency for International Development (2023) report presents the 30 most watched TV channels in terms of regular daily viewing, with KTRK taking the top spot (Figure 8).

Figure 8

Top 30 TV channels by daily viewership. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

Thus, the main focus of the study of TV channel content should be on news programmes, with a focus on KTRK, Rossiya RTR, KTRK Balastan, KTRK Ala-Too 24, ORT (Channel 1), Mir, Zor TV, and Osh TV. The fact that more than 85% of Internet users use it on a daily, regular basis and that the news section is one of the most popular among other content (Figure 9).

Figure 9

Reasons for Internet access for Kyrgyz consumers. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

Moreover, the United States Agency for International Development (2023) also presents a rating of the most popular media sites and news resources (Figure 10) and indicates that 18% of the total population of the country learns news from Kyrgyz news sites, 12% of them prefer to read news in Kyrgyz, and 5% in Russian.

Figure 10

The most popular sites in the Kyrgyz Republic. Source: Compiled by the authors based on the United States Agency for International Development (2023).

Thus, Azattyk, Kaktus Media, Super KG, Aki Press, Kabar, Sputnik, Turmush, and Kloop will be used for content analysis in the framework of the study. Since it was already established that information consumption is in Kyrgyz and Russian, the analysis will include materials in both languages, within the media outlets identified earlier. The optimal number for analysis is 50 materials created between 1 January and 1 August 2024, representing a sufficiently representative base for the study. Table 1 presents the criteria by which media content will be analysed to identify their role in shaping tolerance in society in the context of ethno-cultural diversity.

The analysis included 50 stories, 25 of which were published on the websites of online news media and news agencies, and the remaining 25 on the YouTube channels of the selected TV channels (Table 2).

Analysis of the media field in Kyrgyzstan on the topic of inter-ethnic interaction and tolerance has shown that Internet media in Kyrgyzstan cover issues of inter-ethnic interaction in a neutral tone, providing objective information. However, there are also negative materials focusing on repressive measures against migrants. Positive materials emphasise the importance of cultural exchange and harmonious coexistence of different ethnic groups, promoting tolerance in society. There are publications covering events and holidays that promote intercultural interaction and mutual understanding, discussing laws and regulations directed against migrants in the context of their negative impact on ethnic and cultural diversity and tolerance, and condemning impolite statements by MPs and other officials (directed against ethnic groups). Articles focusing on repressive measures and infringement of migrants’ rights are mostly presented in a negative tone. Informative articles that provide objective information without explicit assessments use a neutral tone, while materials emphasising the importance of cultural exchange and harmonious coexistence of different ethnic groups have a strongly positive tone. The overwhelming majority of stories use neutral and often formal language to describe situations and events (60% or 15 out of 25 articles), but journalists allow themselves to use emotionally charged language to emphasise the importance of tolerance and discrimination (12% of publications) and focus on the use of inclusive language that promotes a positive perception of ethnic and cultural diversity (8% of publications).

It is worth noting that publications often show a noticeable division between representatives of other ethnicities and nationalities (positive or neutral tone and context) and migrants, who are often presented in a negative context. However, it is worth noting that the materials often receive intolerant reactions from the audience. For instance, on the website and YouTube channel of Turmush (Tourists from Israel rented…, 2024), many incorrect comments on the article “Tourists from Israel rented a Toyota Sequoia and went off-roading in the mountains of Kyrgyzstan” can be found. Thus, at the time of the study, the video on the YouTube channel received 29,000 views, 177 likes, and 273 comments, of which 60% were directly or indirectly negative nationalist. For instance: “Бyл Eвpeи эли oзy yшyндaй эл кoнoк бoлyп кeлип yй ээcин кyyп чыгaт бyлap мeнeн кoлдoн кeлce вooбшe мaмилe кылбaш кepeк” (These Jewish people are the kind of people who come as guests and drive out the host) (193 likes), “Иx вooбщe нeльзя пycкaть в Кыpгызcтaн!!! Cyдьбa Пaлecтины вaм знaкoмa? Oни кaк гocть пpиeзжaют пoтoм гoвopят, чтo oни xoзяeвa! Гнaть нaдo иx из зeмeл Кыpгызcтaнa” (They should not be allowed into Kyrgyzstan at all!!! Do you know the fate of Palestine? They come as guests and then say they are the masters! They should be expelled from the lands of Kyrgyzstan) (215 likes), “Бyл apaм Eвpeйлepди эмнe киpгизecинep Кыpгызcтaнгa. жaйлooдo жaнчып мaшинaгa тeбeбeлeтишь кepeк бoлчy” (Why should these illegal Jews be brought into Kyrgyzstan. They should have been crushed and trampled in a car) (139 likes and 3 replies).

This example illustrates how Kyrgyz media often attempt to maintain a neutral editorial stance by reporting on factual events without overt editorialisation. However, the neutrality of the reporting does not always prevent the amplification of pre-existing ethnic prejudices among the audience. The lack of contextual framing in the article – such as an explanation of local regulations regarding off-road driving in protected areas or the tourists’ intentions – may have contributed to the way the audience interpreted the event. Moreover, the comment section became a space where readers projected their broader political frustrations onto an otherwise localized issue. Taking this video as an example, according to the formula (1), the level of viewer engagement was 1.55% and the level of popularity was 8.68%, which proves that such videos receive a high response from the audience and provoke an active reaction from viewers and readers.

Due to the lack of possibility to calculate all the indicators listed in Table 3 in the publications, it cannot be said that the example given is typical and indicative, but it indicates the tendency of the Kyrgyz media to maintain a neutral position.

4 Discussion

The analysis of the materials carried out as part of this study demonstrated a significant correlation between the narratives broadcast by the Kyrgyz media and the state of society, the peculiarities of Kyrgyz perception of representatives of other nationalities, including in the context of their status of stay in the country (as students, legal and illegal migrants, business partners, tourists, participants in cultural, and other events).

The conclusions that the language, tone, and context of media coverage can indeed both cultivate tolerance and acceptance of other nations and exacerbate conflict are also confirmed in several other studies. For instance, Caster (2019), who investigated the causes of the violent conflict in the Fergana Valley in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2010, highlighted the role of the media as a mouthpiece of political manipulation and a tool for exacerbating the situation and promoting harmful and offensive narratives against the Uzbek diaspora in the Kyrgyz Republic. In this context, the comparison made by Yuyan (2020), in which the author showed the fundamental difference in the approaches of Kyrgyz and foreign media in covering ethnic conflicts in Kyrgyzstan, is revealing. The study by Ash (2022) highlighted a direct correlation between the state policy, the weakness of the government (including manifesting itself as a weakening of control over rational media censorship), people’s insecurity provoked by the weakness of the government, and the level of influence on such people of chauvinistic messages broadcast through media and Internet sources, social networks, is noteworthy. The author notes that chauvinistic nationalist rhetoric has the strongest influence on respondents who trust informal non-state actors from their ethnic group more than the state to ensure their security. That is, the weaker the state, the more its citizens are predisposed to see representatives of their ethnic group as a defence, and other ethnic groups as a potential or real threat (Kongyratbay et al., 2015; Kongyratbay, 2020). The same conclusions were reached by Commercio (2017) (who also studied ethnic conflicts in Kyrgyzstan), Chapman and Chaudoin (2020), and Scacco (2021).

A significant difference is between the way the media presents information and the way it is perceived by the audience. Even in cases where information is presented in a neutral (or even positive) way, the audience itself can perceive it negatively or even aggressively (Zaki et al., 2023a, b). These observations are also noted in article by Agadjanian (2019), who concluded that the audience is influenced not only by the information presented in the media but also by the historical context in which this audience exists, whether it has previously experienced negative influences of the events described (e.g., the presence of migrants of another nationality, whether migrants were allowed not to use the Kyrgyz language and not to follow Kyrgyz customs and traditions, whether they had disagreements, conflicts, or prejudices against representatives of other nations in the past), which seems natural and provides a scientific basis for the phenomenon noted in this study.

The difference between the tone of the material and its perception by the audience noted in this study can also be explained based on other aspects. For instance, Mambetaliev (2019) studied the difference in the effectiveness of implementing language policy “from above” (from the government) and “from below” (based on the real needs of society) in the examples of Kyrgyzstan and Hungary, and find a rational explanation for this difference, which is that the imposition of any ideologies, beliefs, programmes, and peculiarities of perception of certain issues will directly depend on the real needs of society and its current demands at a given time. In other words, if ethnic conflicts are still taking place in the country and there are many problems related to inter-ethnic relations, the state’s attempt to impose this tolerance and acceptance of other ethnic groups and nations will have much less or even zero effectiveness (Zelenin et al., 2024). And, on the other hand, solving the aforementioned problems and easing the situation in the country will encourage content consumers to perceive even neutrally presented materials on this topic positively.

This study also noted a qualitative difference in the presentation of materials by television and Internet sources, which was explained by the greater control and accountability of television to the state, a more obvious attempt to follow government directives to build a tolerant and tolerant society, and the greater freedom of Internet media. On the one hand, such censorship leads to incomplete disclosure of the real situation in the country and creates a difference between the approach of journalists to reporting the situation and its perception by the audience (Ternov et al., 2024; Tkachenko et al., 2024). On the other hand, this approach should be assessed primarily as an attempt at the state level to change the model of thinking of most of the population (Shcherban & Samoilov, 2024). Despite the obvious disadvantages of such an approach, one cannot fail to note the precedents of successful or successful policies of such imposition from above. For instance, Megoran (2023) discussed how the authoritarian approach of the Uzbek government allowed the resuscitation of the “friendship of peoples” discourse and prevented the demonisation of an ethnic minority and the further aggravation of the conflict. Khan (2018) and Lewis et al. (2018) explore other pros and cons of the authoritarian way of imposing “tolerance” and a certain perception of a particular nation, which can be used to further apply the most successful of these techniques in practice. For instance, Burhanuddin et al. (2020) argue that often only authoritarian methods can overcome such iconic negative trends as the radicalisation of young people through mass media and social Internet media, which can have very significant negative consequences for the whole society, up to mass uprisings, global conflicts and even incitement of wars, but it is difficult to agree with this statement unequivocally. The same methods can also lead to the creation of a certain image of favouritism and superiority of the titular nation, when instead of a respectful and tolerant attitude, the government, through the media, shapes in people a condescending and tolerant attitude towards representatives of other nations, which, in turn, leads to tension rather than easing of inter-ethnic relations (Rexhepi & Murtezaj, 2024).

Media practices in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan share similarities due to historical and cultural influences but differ in press freedom and state control (Ibrayeva et al., 2014). Both countries have a highly Russified media space, with Russian-language content and channels like Rossiya 24 remaining popular. However, Kazakhstan enforces stricter media regulations, including legislative restrictions, opposition media bans, and widespread self-censorship (Amangeldiyeva et al., 2020). In contrast, Kyrgyzstan maintains a relatively freer press, allowing independent outlets like Azattyk (RFE/RL), Kaktus Media, and Kloop to critique government policies and cover inter-ethnic issues. Meanwhile, leading Kazakhstani media such as Zakon.kz, Kazinform, Karavan, and Tengrinews largely reflect state narratives, with independent voices facing significant pressure (Sadykova et al., 2022).

Nevertheless, the influence of the media on the audience in the context of creating positive trends and changes in society should not be underestimated. This study also noted the high involvement of the audience in positive materials (materials about the assistance of other nations to Kyrgyz, cultural events) and the presence of a strong response from viewers and readers, which indicates the ability of journalists to find topics that can affect their audience. The same trends are emphasised in a study by Al-Rawi et al. (2023) and Muschert et al. (2023), who studied the democratisation of Kyrgyzstan’s society, Dall’Agnola (2023), who studied the impact of online media on the manifestation of tolerance towards representatives of other nationalities, Engvall (2020) and Hochberg-Marom (2020), who studied, among other things, the impact of the media on the fight against religious extremism, and Baş (2020), who studied the use of media to reduce xenophobia in society, and other authors. It should be clarified that the focus was primarily on the Kyrgyz media, while the study (as evidenced by the data in the rating of media popularity in Kyrgyzstan presented in Figure 8) revealed a high level of popularity of Russian media, which determines the influence of Russian media on the formation of public opinion in Kyrgyzstan. At the same time, several researchers, such as Terzyan (2021), point out that the influence of such media on the overall situation in the country should not be underestimated.

Thus, the results obtained in this study echo the findings of numerous other studies and receive factual and logical justification on many levels.

5 Conclusions

The study confirms that Kyrgyz media play a pivotal role in shaping public perceptions of ethno-cultural diversity, with their narratives exerting a measurable influence on inter-ethnic tolerance and social cohesion. The analysis demonstrated that media discourse is not merely a reflection of societal attitudes but an active agent in their formation. The language, tone, and framing of media coverage have been shown to significantly impact audience perceptions, with the potential to either foster inter-ethnic harmony or deepen social divisions.

Television media in Kyrgyzstan predominantly adopt a neutral or positive approach, emphasising cultural events, ethnographic heritage, and inter-ethnic cooperation. This tendency is consistent with state-supported narratives promoting national unity and tolerance. Conversely, online media has been found to display a more diverse range of coverage, including reports on migration, inter-ethnic conflicts, and nationalist rhetoric. While some online publications support cultural diversity, others amplify tensions by focusing on negative portrayals of minority groups and migrants. The observed variation in media approaches suggests that the editorial policies, funding sources, and audience engagement strategies employed by news outlets directly influence the portrayal of ethnic and cultural diversity.

The study found a significant correlation between media narratives and societal attitudes. Positive media content, specifically television programmes highlighting cultural exchange, traditions, and inter-ethnic cooperation, elicit supportive audience responses and reinforce tolerance. Conversely, negative portrayals of migrants and ethnic minorities in online discussions often provoke xenophobic and nationalist reactions, illustrating how media discourse can shape public sentiment and fuel social divisions. The pervasiveness of negative audience comments on online platforms underscores the challenge of mitigating hostility through media interventions alone.

Despite the state’s efforts to promote inclusive narratives, media coverage of inter-ethnic issues remains uneven, with online discourse often presenting a more fragmented and contentious picture of ethno-cultural relations. The findings suggest that the enhancement of positive, inclusive media representation, particularly in digital formats where engagement is high, has the potential to mitigate inter-ethnic tensions and reinforce social cohesion.

While the study underscores the significant role of the media in shaping public attitudes toward ethno-cultural diversity, the absence of specific recommendations limits its practical applicability. In order to enhance inclusivity and tolerance through media content, policymakers should implement guidelines that encourage balanced reporting, promote diverse voices, and counteract xenophobic narratives. Furthermore, media practitioners stand to benefit from training programmes that emphasise ethical journalism and the responsible portrayal of ethnic minorities. Furthermore, civil society organisations could collaborate with media outlets to develop campaigns that foster intercultural dialogue and awareness. The integration of these recommendations would serve to reinforce the study’s practical impact and contribute to the promotion of long-term social cohesion.

Future research should focus on further quantifying the direct impact of specific media formats on different audience segments. Furthermore, the implementation of media literacy programmes, targeting journalists and consumers alike, could assist in cultivating a more informed and critical approach to media portrayals of inter-ethnic relations. In light of the evolving nature of Kyrgyzstan’s media landscape, ongoing monitoring of media trends and audience reactions is imperative for comprehending and addressing the challenges of fostering ethno-cultural tolerance through mass communication.

By encouraging responsible journalism and promoting balanced coverage, the media can serve as a constructive force in shaping inter-ethnic relations. This study underscores the necessity for targeted policy interventions to promote media practices that bolster social harmony while countering divisive narratives that have the potential to exacerbate societal tensions. The role of the media in Kyrgyzstan, therefore, extends beyond the mere dissemination of information to the active influence of the framework within which ethno-cultural diversity is perceived and negotiated.