Chapter 19. Antipassivization in Basque revisited
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Fernando Zúñiga
Abstract
In this paper, we explore three phenomena that have been considered to be antipassives in Basque linguistics. First, we briefly review “ergative displacement” (Laka 1988), related to antipassives as mentioned by Heath (1976). This is not a bona fide instance of the antipassive, since the ergative displacement affects only the agreement pattern (the A argument appears indexed as S in finite verb forms) while the case frame and syntactic status of A and P are as in the default transitive construction; besides, there is no demotion or suppression of the P argument. Second, we review two biclausal constructions, namely the ari-progressive (Hualde & Ortiz de Urbina 1987; Laka 2006) and participial clauses (Ortiz de Urbina & Uribe-Etxebarria 1991). Although regarded as antipassives by Postal (1977) and Coyos (2002), respectively, their biclausality, long argued by some Basque linguists, is incompatible with the antipassive, which is monoclausal by definition. Finally, de Rijk (2003) labels as antipassives some intransitive constructions that alternate with transitive ones. This is the closest to true antipassives that can be found in Basque, but these constructions are lexically constrained and idiosyncratic, and unlike canonical antipassives attested in other languages of the world.
Abstract
In this paper, we explore three phenomena that have been considered to be antipassives in Basque linguistics. First, we briefly review “ergative displacement” (Laka 1988), related to antipassives as mentioned by Heath (1976). This is not a bona fide instance of the antipassive, since the ergative displacement affects only the agreement pattern (the A argument appears indexed as S in finite verb forms) while the case frame and syntactic status of A and P are as in the default transitive construction; besides, there is no demotion or suppression of the P argument. Second, we review two biclausal constructions, namely the ari-progressive (Hualde & Ortiz de Urbina 1987; Laka 2006) and participial clauses (Ortiz de Urbina & Uribe-Etxebarria 1991). Although regarded as antipassives by Postal (1977) and Coyos (2002), respectively, their biclausality, long argued by some Basque linguists, is incompatible with the antipassive, which is monoclausal by definition. Finally, de Rijk (2003) labels as antipassives some intransitive constructions that alternate with transitive ones. This is the closest to true antipassives that can be found in Basque, but these constructions are lexically constrained and idiosyncratic, and unlike canonical antipassives attested in other languages of the world.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. The multifaceted nature of the antipassive construction 1
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Part 1. Lexical semantics and event representation of antipassive constructions
- Chapter 2. Antipassive propensities and alignment 43
- Chapter 3. Antipassive in the Cariban family 65
- Chapter 4. Aspect and modality in Pama-Nyungan antipassives 97
- Chapter 5. Antipassive constructions in Oceanic languages 149
- Chapter 6. Antipassive and the lexical meaning of verbs 177
- Chapter 7. Unspecified participant 213
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Part 2. Antipassive marking
- Chapter 8. Variation in the verbal marking of antipassive constructions 249
- Chapter 9. Antipassive derivation in Soninke (West Mande) 293
- Chapter 10. Explaining the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví (Guaycuruan) 315
- Chapter 11. Polyfunctional vanka- in Nivaĉle and the antipassive category 349
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Part 3. Diachrony of antipassive constructions
- Chapter 12. The antipassive and its relationship to person markers 385
- Chapter 13. Antipassive derivations in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their sources 427
- Chapter 14. The profile and development of the Maa (Eastern Nilotic) antipassive 447
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Part 4. Fuzzy boundaries
- Chapter 15. Indirect antipassive in Circassian 483
- Chapter 16. Antipassives in Nakh-Daghestanian languages 515
- Chapter 17. Antipassive and antipassive-like constructions in Mayan languages 549
- Chapter 18. When an antipassive isn’t an antipassive anymore 579
- Chapter 19. Antipassivization in Basque revisited 621
- Index 641
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. The multifaceted nature of the antipassive construction 1
-
Part 1. Lexical semantics and event representation of antipassive constructions
- Chapter 2. Antipassive propensities and alignment 43
- Chapter 3. Antipassive in the Cariban family 65
- Chapter 4. Aspect and modality in Pama-Nyungan antipassives 97
- Chapter 5. Antipassive constructions in Oceanic languages 149
- Chapter 6. Antipassive and the lexical meaning of verbs 177
- Chapter 7. Unspecified participant 213
-
Part 2. Antipassive marking
- Chapter 8. Variation in the verbal marking of antipassive constructions 249
- Chapter 9. Antipassive derivation in Soninke (West Mande) 293
- Chapter 10. Explaining the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví (Guaycuruan) 315
- Chapter 11. Polyfunctional vanka- in Nivaĉle and the antipassive category 349
-
Part 3. Diachrony of antipassive constructions
- Chapter 12. The antipassive and its relationship to person markers 385
- Chapter 13. Antipassive derivations in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their sources 427
- Chapter 14. The profile and development of the Maa (Eastern Nilotic) antipassive 447
-
Part 4. Fuzzy boundaries
- Chapter 15. Indirect antipassive in Circassian 483
- Chapter 16. Antipassives in Nakh-Daghestanian languages 515
- Chapter 17. Antipassive and antipassive-like constructions in Mayan languages 549
- Chapter 18. When an antipassive isn’t an antipassive anymore 579
- Chapter 19. Antipassivization in Basque revisited 621
- Index 641
