Chapter 11. Renewing a social action in US primary care
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Jeffrey D. Robinson
Abstract
We consider a specific polar-interrogative offer by physicians (e.g., Is there something/anything else you’d like to address in the visit today?). We show that in one sequential context this interrogative obligates the production of a yes-/no-type answer, receiving one over 80% of the time. However, in a different sequential context, we show that the identical interrogative receives a yes-/no-type- answer less than 20% of the time. In this latter context it renews a social action implemented by a prior Wh-solicitation (e.g., What can I do for you?). We offer a characterization that makes our finding broadly applicable to a variety of contexts, begins to account for some of Geoffrey Raymond’s non-type-conforming cases, and hence refines his principle of type conformity. Our finding highlights the pervasive relevance of sequential context for the production and understanding of talk.
Abstract
We consider a specific polar-interrogative offer by physicians (e.g., Is there something/anything else you’d like to address in the visit today?). We show that in one sequential context this interrogative obligates the production of a yes-/no-type answer, receiving one over 80% of the time. However, in a different sequential context, we show that the identical interrogative receives a yes-/no-type- answer less than 20% of the time. In this latter context it renews a social action implemented by a prior Wh-solicitation (e.g., What can I do for you?). We offer a characterization that makes our finding broadly applicable to a variety of contexts, begins to account for some of Geoffrey Raymond’s non-type-conforming cases, and hence refines his principle of type conformity. Our finding highlights the pervasive relevance of sequential context for the production and understanding of talk.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgments vii
- Chapter 1. Introduction 1
- Chapter 2. Repetitional responses to polar questions in Russian conversation 40
- Chapter 3. Responding to polar questions in Brazilian Portuguese 76
- Chapter 4. Responses to polar questions in Polish 109
- Chapter 5. Three practices for confirming inferences in French talk-in-interaction 139
- Chapter 6. Complexities of responding 179
- Chapter 7. The division of labor between the particles jah and jaa ‘yes’ as responses to requests for confirmation in Estonian 210
- Chapter 8. Code-switching, agency, and the answer possibility space of Spanish-English bilinguals 239
- Chapter 9. Post-confirmation modifications 272
- Chapter 10. Responding to polar questions without a polarity item ‘yes’ or ‘no’ in Finnish 301
- Chapter 11. Renewing a social action in US primary care 328
- Chapter 12. Do English affirmative polar interrogatives with any favor negative responses? 350
- Appendix. Transcription conventions and symbols for glossing 377
- Subject index 381
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Acknowledgments vii
- Chapter 1. Introduction 1
- Chapter 2. Repetitional responses to polar questions in Russian conversation 40
- Chapter 3. Responding to polar questions in Brazilian Portuguese 76
- Chapter 4. Responses to polar questions in Polish 109
- Chapter 5. Three practices for confirming inferences in French talk-in-interaction 139
- Chapter 6. Complexities of responding 179
- Chapter 7. The division of labor between the particles jah and jaa ‘yes’ as responses to requests for confirmation in Estonian 210
- Chapter 8. Code-switching, agency, and the answer possibility space of Spanish-English bilinguals 239
- Chapter 9. Post-confirmation modifications 272
- Chapter 10. Responding to polar questions without a polarity item ‘yes’ or ‘no’ in Finnish 301
- Chapter 11. Renewing a social action in US primary care 328
- Chapter 12. Do English affirmative polar interrogatives with any favor negative responses? 350
- Appendix. Transcription conventions and symbols for glossing 377
- Subject index 381
