Chapter 2. “Universal” readings of perfects and iamitives in typological perspective
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Östen Dahl
Abstract
In Dahl & Wälchli (2016), we investigate the relationship between perfects and iamitives – i.e. items whose semantics combines features of perfects and words like already – using statistical techniques on data from a multilingual parallel corpus of Bible texts. This paper looks at the same grammatical domain with focus on so-called “universal readings” of perfects, several different subtypes are identified and the cross-linguistic variation of the distribution of perfects and iamitives as well as other kinds of marking within them is studied. The types looked at are combinations with adverbs labeled as duration-quantifying (for three hours), left-boundary indicating (since Monday), and universally quantifying adverbials (always). An overt marking may be already-related, a non-already-related perfect or non-perfect. In duration-quantifying and left-boundary contexts, both already-related and non-already-related markings are found with variable frequency and zero-marking is common, but already-related markings in general seldom appear together with perfects. Zero marking is common. In universally quantifying contexts already-related marking is rare, but languages in which non-already-markings are otherwise optional or obligatory tend to use them obligatorily here.
Abstract
In Dahl & Wälchli (2016), we investigate the relationship between perfects and iamitives – i.e. items whose semantics combines features of perfects and words like already – using statistical techniques on data from a multilingual parallel corpus of Bible texts. This paper looks at the same grammatical domain with focus on so-called “universal readings” of perfects, several different subtypes are identified and the cross-linguistic variation of the distribution of perfects and iamitives as well as other kinds of marking within them is studied. The types looked at are combinations with adverbs labeled as duration-quantifying (for three hours), left-boundary indicating (since Monday), and universally quantifying adverbials (always). An overt marking may be already-related, a non-already-related perfect or non-perfect. In duration-quantifying and left-boundary contexts, both already-related and non-already-related markings are found with variable frequency and zero-marking is common, but already-related markings in general seldom appear together with perfects. Zero marking is common. In universally quantifying contexts already-related marking is rare, but languages in which non-already-markings are otherwise optional or obligatory tend to use them obligatorily here.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. The perfect volume 1
-
Part I. Perfects and their relatives
- Chapter 2. “Universal” readings of perfects and iamitives in typological perspective 43
- Chapter 3. Perfect and its relatives in Atayal 65
- Chapter 4. Structural and functional variations of the perfect in the Lezgic languages 87
- Chapter 5. Cross-linguistic parallels and contrasts in a contact language perfect construction 117
- Chapter 6. Perfect and negation 137
- Chapter 7. The diachrony of the perfect in Zapotec 163
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Part II. Perfect extensions, hodiernality and aoristic drift
- Chapter 8. More on hodiernality 181
- Chapter 9. The impact of the simultaneity vector on the temporal-aspectual development of the perfect tense in Romance languages 213
- Chapter 10. Gauging expansion in synchrony 241
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Part III. Morphology of perfects
- Chapter 11. The rise of the periphrastic perfect tense in the continental West Germanic languages 261
- Chapter 12. On the emergence of auxiliary selection in Germanic 291
- Chapter 13. Language contact and competition in the periphrastic perfect in Early English 319
- Chapter 14. The Swedish perfect and periphrasis 343
- Chapter 15. “ Have -less perfects” in Norwegian 365
- Chapter 16. From have -omission to supercompounds 397
- Chapter 17. Auxiliary reduction in secondary grammaticalization 439
- Chapter 18. The functions of the auxiliary ‘have’ in Australian English vivid narratives 461
- Index 479
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Chapter 1. The perfect volume 1
-
Part I. Perfects and their relatives
- Chapter 2. “Universal” readings of perfects and iamitives in typological perspective 43
- Chapter 3. Perfect and its relatives in Atayal 65
- Chapter 4. Structural and functional variations of the perfect in the Lezgic languages 87
- Chapter 5. Cross-linguistic parallels and contrasts in a contact language perfect construction 117
- Chapter 6. Perfect and negation 137
- Chapter 7. The diachrony of the perfect in Zapotec 163
-
Part II. Perfect extensions, hodiernality and aoristic drift
- Chapter 8. More on hodiernality 181
- Chapter 9. The impact of the simultaneity vector on the temporal-aspectual development of the perfect tense in Romance languages 213
- Chapter 10. Gauging expansion in synchrony 241
-
Part III. Morphology of perfects
- Chapter 11. The rise of the periphrastic perfect tense in the continental West Germanic languages 261
- Chapter 12. On the emergence of auxiliary selection in Germanic 291
- Chapter 13. Language contact and competition in the periphrastic perfect in Early English 319
- Chapter 14. The Swedish perfect and periphrasis 343
- Chapter 15. “ Have -less perfects” in Norwegian 365
- Chapter 16. From have -omission to supercompounds 397
- Chapter 17. Auxiliary reduction in secondary grammaticalization 439
- Chapter 18. The functions of the auxiliary ‘have’ in Australian English vivid narratives 461
- Index 479
