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Chapter 11. Panel and trend studies

Evidence from Brazilian Portuguese
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Abstract

In this paper, we provide further evidence to the discussion of the intersection of apparent time and real time for the understanding of language change. We analyse three variable processes in the spoken variety of Rio de Janeiro: the anterior glide deletion in the diphthong [ej], the replacement of the preposition A by PARA (‘to’) in dative complements and the loss of null referential pronominal subjects. By combining cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence, we show that the observed tendency in apparent time is confirmed for the replacement of A by PARA and the implementation of overt referential pronouns. We are facing continuing and irreversible communal changes. In the case of [j] deletion, the predictions obtained in apparent time are only partially confirmed. The results from the longitudinal analyses suggest a reversal of this process in the context of palatal fricatives both in the community and in most individuals. We claim that this reversal is a generalisation of a stronger tendency to glide insertion in similar phonetic contexts.

Abstract

In this paper, we provide further evidence to the discussion of the intersection of apparent time and real time for the understanding of language change. We analyse three variable processes in the spoken variety of Rio de Janeiro: the anterior glide deletion in the diphthong [ej], the replacement of the preposition A by PARA (‘to’) in dative complements and the loss of null referential pronominal subjects. By combining cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence, we show that the observed tendency in apparent time is confirmed for the replacement of A by PARA and the implementation of overt referential pronouns. We are facing continuing and irreversible communal changes. In the case of [j] deletion, the predictions obtained in apparent time are only partially confirmed. The results from the longitudinal analyses suggest a reversal of this process in the context of palatal fricatives both in the community and in most individuals. We claim that this reversal is a generalisation of a stronger tendency to glide insertion in similar phonetic contexts.

Heruntergeladen am 13.4.2026 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/silv.22.11dep/html
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