Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery
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Alessandra Giorgi
Abstract
In this work I consider the properties of Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) and Hanging Topic (HT) in Italian. Rizzi (1997) proposed that the syntactic space pertaining to the complementizer must be conceived of as a layer, i.e. as a set of hierarchically ordered projections, including those for contrastive focus and topics. In the literature following this hypothesis, a focused phrase is argued to be moved, whereas topics such as CLLD and HT are analyzed as base generated in the left periphery. Here I argue that their unmoved status follows from their very special syntax, given that the heads projecting the phrases where they are hosted belong to a peculiar category, i.e. they are prosody- oriented heads. Prosody-oriented heads are not associated to a lexical content, but to a phonological one, i.e. are read off at the interface with phonology as instructions for the assignment of prosodic values. The properties and distribution of CLLD and HT will be shown to follow from this hypothesis.
Abstract
In this work I consider the properties of Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) and Hanging Topic (HT) in Italian. Rizzi (1997) proposed that the syntactic space pertaining to the complementizer must be conceived of as a layer, i.e. as a set of hierarchically ordered projections, including those for contrastive focus and topics. In the literature following this hypothesis, a focused phrase is argued to be moved, whereas topics such as CLLD and HT are analyzed as base generated in the left periphery. Here I argue that their unmoved status follows from their very special syntax, given that the heads projecting the phrases where they are hosted belong to a peculiar category, i.e. they are prosody- oriented heads. Prosody-oriented heads are not associated to a lexical content, but to a phonological one, i.e. are read off at the interface with phonology as instructions for the assignment of prosodic values. The properties and distribution of CLLD and HT will be shown to follow from this hypothesis.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Issues in discourse-oriented syntax 1
- The derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles 13
- On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese 41
- Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective 71
- Italian adverbs and discourse particles 93
- Is particle a (unified) category? 121
- The particle how 159
- The cartography of yes and no in West Flemish 175
- On polarity particles in Italian varieties 211
- Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery 229
- Index 251
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Issues in discourse-oriented syntax 1
- The derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles 13
- On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese 41
- Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective 71
- Italian adverbs and discourse particles 93
- Is particle a (unified) category? 121
- The particle how 159
- The cartography of yes and no in West Flemish 175
- On polarity particles in Italian varieties 211
- Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery 229
- Index 251
