The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian
-
Gréte Dalmi
Abstract
This paper claims that Hungarian allows generic inclusive subjects to be null only if they have a generic inclusive antecedent in an adjacent clause. This distinguishes Hungarian from all the other types of Null Subject Languages (NSLs) identified by Roberts & Holmberg (2010). The generic inclusive lexical az ember GEN ‘the man’ is a first person-oriented genericity-inducing lexical item that always receives widest scope interpretation, just like English one. The generic inclusive null subject, pro GEN, on the other hand, is an anaphor that requires a generic inclusive antecedent, as does English oneself (Moltmann 2006, 2010, 2012). A similar duality is observed with PRO, the silent counterpart of generic inclusive one in non-finite clauses.
Abstract
This paper claims that Hungarian allows generic inclusive subjects to be null only if they have a generic inclusive antecedent in an adjacent clause. This distinguishes Hungarian from all the other types of Null Subject Languages (NSLs) identified by Roberts & Holmberg (2010). The generic inclusive lexical az ember GEN ‘the man’ is a first person-oriented genericity-inducing lexical item that always receives widest scope interpretation, just like English one. The generic inclusive null subject, pro GEN, on the other hand, is an anaphor that requires a generic inclusive antecedent, as does English oneself (Moltmann 2006, 2010, 2012). A similar duality is observed with PRO, the silent counterpart of generic inclusive one in non-finite clauses.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents vii
- List of contributors ix
- List of abbreviations xi
- List of figures xiii
- Editors' note xv
- Preface xvii
- Introduction 1
- The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian 13
- Polish equatives as symmetrical structures 61
- Syntactic (dis)agreement is not semantic agreement 95
- A Note on Oblique Case: Evidence from Serbian / Croatian 117
- The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 129
- The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 165
- Possessives within and beyond NP 193
- On pre-nominal classifying adjectives in Polish 221
- Determiners and Possessives in Old English and Polish 247
- Agreement and definiteness in Germanic DPs 267
- Transparent free relatives 295
- Index 319
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents vii
- List of contributors ix
- List of abbreviations xi
- List of figures xiii
- Editors' note xv
- Preface xvii
- Introduction 1
- The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian 13
- Polish equatives as symmetrical structures 61
- Syntactic (dis)agreement is not semantic agreement 95
- A Note on Oblique Case: Evidence from Serbian / Croatian 117
- The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 129
- The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 165
- Possessives within and beyond NP 193
- On pre-nominal classifying adjectives in Polish 221
- Determiners and Possessives in Old English and Polish 247
- Agreement and definiteness in Germanic DPs 267
- Transparent free relatives 295
- Index 319
