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The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions

  • Malgorzata Krzek
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Advances in the Syntax of DPs
This chapter is in the book Advances in the Syntax of DPs

Abstract

This paper is concerned with the function of the SIĘ particle in the impersonal construction and with the internal structure of impersonal pronouns in Polish. It is proposed that SIĘ is a functional element heading its own projection, dubbed SIĘP, taking pro as its complement. This makes the SIĘP similar to canonical DPs. As for pronouns, it is argued that they enter the derivation as bundles of features that get bound by operators and logophoric categories in the course of the syntactic derivation. Differences in the interpretation of the null impersonal subject pronoun will depend on the kind of elements its sub-features will be bound by.

Abstract

This paper is concerned with the function of the SIĘ particle in the impersonal construction and with the internal structure of impersonal pronouns in Polish. It is proposed that SIĘ is a functional element heading its own projection, dubbed SIĘP, taking pro as its complement. This makes the SIĘP similar to canonical DPs. As for pronouns, it is argued that they enter the derivation as bundles of features that get bound by operators and logophoric categories in the course of the syntactic derivation. Differences in the interpretation of the null impersonal subject pronoun will depend on the kind of elements its sub-features will be bound by.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents vii
  3. List of contributors ix
  4. List of abbreviations xi
  5. List of figures xiii
  6. Editors' note xv
  7. Preface xvii
  8. Introduction 1
  9. The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian 13
  10. Polish equatives as symmetrical structures 61
  11. Syntactic (dis)agreement is not semantic agreement 95
  12. A Note on Oblique Case: Evidence from Serbian / Croatian 117
  13. The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 129
  14. The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 165
  15. Possessives within and beyond NP 193
  16. On pre-nominal classifying adjectives in Polish 221
  17. Determiners and Possessives in Old English and Polish 247
  18. Agreement and definiteness in Germanic DPs 267
  19. Transparent free relatives 295
  20. Index 319
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.217.06krz

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents vii
  3. List of contributors ix
  4. List of abbreviations xi
  5. List of figures xiii
  6. Editors' note xv
  7. Preface xvii
  8. Introduction 1
  9. The overgeneration problem and the case of semipredicatives in Russian 13
  10. Polish equatives as symmetrical structures 61
  11. Syntactic (dis)agreement is not semantic agreement 95
  12. A Note on Oblique Case: Evidence from Serbian / Croatian 117
  13. The structure of null subject DPs and agreement in Polish impersonal constructions 129
  14. The feature geometry of generic inclusive null DPs in Hungarian 165
  15. Possessives within and beyond NP 193
  16. On pre-nominal classifying adjectives in Polish 221
  17. Determiners and Possessives in Old English and Polish 247
  18. Agreement and definiteness in Germanic DPs 267
  19. Transparent free relatives 295
  20. Index 319
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