Home Linguistics & Semiotics 16. Animacy in Bislama? Using quantitative methods to evaluate transfer of a substrate feature
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16. Animacy in Bislama? Using quantitative methods to evaluate transfer of a substrate feature

  • Miriam Meyerhoff
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Abstract

The source of and, hence, principal factors constraining, several variables in Bislama, an English-lexified Pacific creole, remain the subject of some dispute. This chapter uses quantitative methods to evaluate the strength of claims that variable presence/absence of arguments in Bislama is principally due to the transfer of preferences in the substrate languages. It focuses particularly on the role that the animacy of a referent plays in determining:

a. presence/absence of pronominal subject in a clause,

b. the form of 3p agreement, and

c. the presence/absence of pronominal objects (Crowley 1990, 2002).

Other research has claimed discourse salience (not a substrate feature) and/or direct possession relations (substrate feature) are more relevant (Meyerhoff 2000, 2003a). Clauses of spontaneous conversational Bislama recorded on Malo island in the 1990s and a corpus of 10 Tamambo (the Malo vernacular, Jauncey 1997) narratives or process texts are analysed for the same factors. The results show that animacy is a significant constraint on the subject pronominal variable, but it is not strong for the other two variables. The result is an empirical gain and a theoretical gain. First, claims for transfer of substrate features into Bislama are motivated in a more transparent way than they have been before. Second, we see clearly the potential that multivariate analysis offers for resolving outstanding questions and debates relating to language contact and the role of substrate transfer. This is especially true for the Pacific creoles where we continue to be able to gather, and analyse, substrate corpora.

Abstract

The source of and, hence, principal factors constraining, several variables in Bislama, an English-lexified Pacific creole, remain the subject of some dispute. This chapter uses quantitative methods to evaluate the strength of claims that variable presence/absence of arguments in Bislama is principally due to the transfer of preferences in the substrate languages. It focuses particularly on the role that the animacy of a referent plays in determining:

a. presence/absence of pronominal subject in a clause,

b. the form of 3p agreement, and

c. the presence/absence of pronominal objects (Crowley 1990, 2002).

Other research has claimed discourse salience (not a substrate feature) and/or direct possession relations (substrate feature) are more relevant (Meyerhoff 2000, 2003a). Clauses of spontaneous conversational Bislama recorded on Malo island in the 1990s and a corpus of 10 Tamambo (the Malo vernacular, Jauncey 1997) narratives or process texts are analysed for the same factors. The results show that animacy is a significant constraint on the subject pronominal variable, but it is not strong for the other two variables. The result is an empirical gain and a theoretical gain. First, claims for transfer of substrate features into Bislama are motivated in a more transparent way than they have been before. Second, we see clearly the potential that multivariate analysis offers for resolving outstanding questions and debates relating to language contact and the role of substrate transfer. This is especially true for the Pacific creoles where we continue to be able to gather, and analyse, substrate corpora.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction
  4. The lure of a distant horizon: Variation in indigenous minority languages 1
  5. Part I. Variation in phonetics and phonology
  6. 1. The phonetic and phonological effects of obsolescence in Northern Paiute 23
  7. 2. Diglossia and monosyllabization in Eastern Cham: A sociolinguistic study 47
  8. 3. Affricates in Lleidatà: A sociophonetic case study 77
  9. 4. Sociolinguistic stratification and new dialect formation in a Canadian aboriginal community: Not so different after all? 109
  10. 5. The changing sound of the Māori language 129
  11. 6. Toward a study of language variation and change in Jonaz Chichimeco 153
  12. 7. A sociolinguistic sketch of vowel shifts in Kaqchikel: ATR-RTR parameters and redundancy markedness of syllabic nuclei in an Eastern Mayan language 173
  13. 8. Phonological features of attrition: The shift from Catalan to Spanish in Alicante 211
  14. 9. Sociophonetic variation in urban Ewe 229
  15. 10. Phonological variation in a Peruvian Quechua speech community 245
  16. 11. A tale of two diphthongs in an indigenous minority language: Yami of Taiwan 259
  17. 12. Phonological markedness, regional identity, and sex in Mayan: The fricativization of intervocalic /l/ 281
  18. 13. The pronunciation of /r/ in Frisian: A comparative study with Dutch and Town Frisian 299
  19. Part II. Variation in syntax, morphology, and morphophonology
  20. 14. Language shift among the Mansi 321
  21. 15. Fine-grained morphophonological variation in Scottish Gaelic: Evidence from the Linguistic Survey of Scotland 347
  22. 16. Animacy in Bislama? Using quantitative methods to evaluate transfer of a substrate feature 369
  23. 17. The challenges of less commonly studied languages: Writing a sociogrammar of Faetar 397
  24. 18. Language variation and change in a North Australian indigenous community 419
  25. 19. Ethnicity, bilingualism and variable clitic marking in Bishnupriya Manipuri 441
  26. 20. Clan as a sociolinguistic variable: Three approaches to Sui clans 463
  27. 21. Language loss in spatial semantics: Dene Sųłiné 485
  28. Index 517
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