Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages
-
Ana Maria Martins
and Jairo Nunes
Abstract
This paper rethinks Holmberg’s (2005) characterization of partial vs. consistent null subject languages (NSL) based on data from Brazilian and European Portuguese, the former a partial, the latter a consistent NSL. The paper proposes that rather than overt morphological distinctions, what is relevant for null subject licensing is the underlying feature specification of the verbal inflection, after agreement between T and a pronominal subject values the relevant person/number/gender/Case feature. Hence, only close inspection of the pronominal and agreement systems of individual NSLs permits an adequate characterization of them, for the same language may behave as a ‘partial’, ‘consistent’, or ‘radical’ NSL depending on the morphological feature specification of its nominative pronouns and T heads.
Abstract
This paper rethinks Holmberg’s (2005) characterization of partial vs. consistent null subject languages (NSL) based on data from Brazilian and European Portuguese, the former a partial, the latter a consistent NSL. The paper proposes that rather than overt morphological distinctions, what is relevant for null subject licensing is the underlying feature specification of the verbal inflection, after agreement between T and a pronominal subject values the relevant person/number/gender/Case feature. Hence, only close inspection of the pronominal and agreement systems of individual NSLs permits an adequate characterization of them, for the same language may behave as a ‘partial’, ‘consistent’, or ‘radical’ NSL depending on the morphological feature specification of its nominative pronouns and T heads.
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood 11
- Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses 25
- Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh -movement 49
- Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence 71
- Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish 97
- Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals 117
- Chapter 7. Contact phenomena 131
- Chapter 8. - ŋ plurals in North Lombard varieties 151
- Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages 171
- Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners 191
- Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints 205
- Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean 225
- Chapter 13. Very …. extracted 249
- Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English 263
- Chapter 15. Craindre (“fear”) and expletive negation in diachrony 287
- Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions 303
- Index 317
Chapters in this book
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
- Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood 11
- Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses 25
- Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh -movement 49
- Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence 71
- Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish 97
- Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals 117
- Chapter 7. Contact phenomena 131
- Chapter 8. - ŋ plurals in North Lombard varieties 151
- Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages 171
- Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners 191
- Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints 205
- Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean 225
- Chapter 13. Very …. extracted 249
- Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English 263
- Chapter 15. Craindre (“fear”) and expletive negation in diachrony 287
- Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions 303
- Index 317