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Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish

  • Olga Fernández-Soriano
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2018
This chapter is in the book Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2018

Abstract

The goal of this paper is to analyze the properties of (a special type of) ‘split interrogative’ (SI) constructions in Spanish. SIs are wh-questions followed by a phrase that constitutes a possible answer, the ‘tag’. The overall structure is interpreted as a yes/no question (as in what did John bring, a book?). In standard cases, the tag matches the (case and thematic) features of the wh-element. Nevertheless, in (spoken Peninsular) Spanish what I will call ‘Non-matching Split Interrogatives’ (NMSI) are also possible. In these cases, the wh-element and the XP in the tag may not match; instead, it is the dummy (neuter) qué “what” that heads the wh-clause. I investigate these cases and propose a (biclausal) analysis involving an ellipsis process similar to the one taking place in fragments (Merchant 2004). To support this hypothesis, I focus on a the fact that: in NMSI there is a form-meaning mismatch that, to my knowledge, has gone unnoticed both in theoretical and descriptive studies.

Abstract

The goal of this paper is to analyze the properties of (a special type of) ‘split interrogative’ (SI) constructions in Spanish. SIs are wh-questions followed by a phrase that constitutes a possible answer, the ‘tag’. The overall structure is interpreted as a yes/no question (as in what did John bring, a book?). In standard cases, the tag matches the (case and thematic) features of the wh-element. Nevertheless, in (spoken Peninsular) Spanish what I will call ‘Non-matching Split Interrogatives’ (NMSI) are also possible. In these cases, the wh-element and the XP in the tag may not match; instead, it is the dummy (neuter) qué “what” that heads the wh-clause. I investigate these cases and propose a (biclausal) analysis involving an ellipsis process similar to the one taking place in fragments (Merchant 2004). To support this hypothesis, I focus on a the fact that: in NMSI there is a form-meaning mismatch that, to my knowledge, has gone unnoticed both in theoretical and descriptive studies.

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction 1
  4. Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood 11
  5. Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses 25
  6. Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh -movement 49
  7. Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence 71
  8. Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish 97
  9. Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals 117
  10. Chapter 7. Contact phenomena 131
  11. Chapter 8. - ŋ plurals in North Lombard varieties 151
  12. Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages 171
  13. Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners 191
  14. Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints 205
  15. Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean 225
  16. Chapter 13. Very …. extracted 249
  17. Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English 263
  18. Chapter 15. Craindre (“fear”) and expletive negation in diachrony 287
  19. Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions 303
  20. Index 317
https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.357.05fer

Chapters in this book

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Introduction 1
  4. Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood 11
  5. Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses 25
  6. Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh -movement 49
  7. Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence 71
  8. Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish 97
  9. Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals 117
  10. Chapter 7. Contact phenomena 131
  11. Chapter 8. - ŋ plurals in North Lombard varieties 151
  12. Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages 171
  13. Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners 191
  14. Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints 205
  15. Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean 225
  16. Chapter 13. Very …. extracted 249
  17. Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English 263
  18. Chapter 15. Craindre (“fear”) and expletive negation in diachrony 287
  19. Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions 303
  20. Index 317
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