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Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps

  • Ion Giurgea
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Romance Linguistics 2009
Ein Kapitel aus dem Buch Romance Linguistics 2009

Abstract

I argue that the distribution of (overt) object clitics and null objects in Romanian can be explained if we assume that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian are genderless. I show that Romanian has a null object used as a bound variable with a neuter pronoun antecedent. This item differs from parasitic gaps by the fact that it does not require an A-bar moved antecedent and can only occur with neuter pronouns, while overt clitics are excluded in this context. I propose that this is due to the fact that object clitics are always marked for gender, while neuter pronouns are genderless. I present independent evidence for the proposal that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian and other Romance languages, definite as well as indefinite and quantificational, lack a value for Gender.

Abstract

I argue that the distribution of (overt) object clitics and null objects in Romanian can be explained if we assume that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian are genderless. I show that Romanian has a null object used as a bound variable with a neuter pronoun antecedent. This item differs from parasitic gaps by the fact that it does not require an A-bar moved antecedent and can only occur with neuter pronouns, while overt clitics are excluded in this context. I propose that this is due to the fact that object clitics are always marked for gender, while neuter pronouns are genderless. I present independent evidence for the proposal that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian and other Romance languages, definite as well as indefinite and quantificational, lack a value for Gender.

Kapitel in diesem Buch

  1. Prelim pages i
  2. Table of contents v
  3. Foreword & acknowledgements ix
  4. List of contributors xi
  5. Editors’ introduction 1
  6. Part I. Phonetics/Phonology
  7. Correcting the record on Dominican [s]-hypercorrection 15
  8. V-to-V assimilation in trisyllabic words in French 25
  9. The production and provenance of palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish 43
  10. Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan 63
  11. Alveolar laterals in Majorcan Spanish 81
  12. Units of speech production in Italian 95
  13. Pitch polarity in Palenquero 111
  14. Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance 129
  15. Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French 153
  16. Part II. Syntax
  17. Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish 169
  18. Anaphoricity, logophoricity and intensification 187
  19. More on the clitic combination puzzle 203
  20. The Spanish dative alternation revisited 217
  21. Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps 231
  22. To agree or not to agree 249
  23. Variation in subject expression in Western Romance 267
  24. A phase-based analysis of Old French genitive constructions 285
  25. V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan 301
  26. Part III. Morphology, and interfaces
  27. The loss and survival of inflectional morphology 323
  28. Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan 337
  29. Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian Piacentine dialects 353
  30. Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non- wh exclamatives in French 369
  31. Detours along the perfect path 387
  32. Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare “to begin” in French and Italian 405
  33. Index of subjects, terms and languages 423
Heruntergeladen am 13.9.2025 von https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1075/cilt.315.14giu/html
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