Nominalization in Okinawan
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Rumiko Shinzato
Abstract
This paper demonstrates that the four functions originally tied to rentaikei in Old Japanese (OJ), and its sister-language, Old Okinawan (OOk) have been carried on into Modern Okinawan (MOk). In particular, the new rentaikei maintains adnominal, exclamative and cleft functions (kakari musubi), while the new nominalizer si, takes on a headless relative clause/complementizer function. It is argued here that the rentai and shushi distinction was indeed vital for the preservation of kakari musubi. It is further argued that a complementary distribution between Japanese and Okinawan such that OJ loses its kakari musubi system, prompting Modern Japanese (ModJ) to develop no desu, while MOk renews its kakari musubi system, and consequently does not develop no desu. This paper supports an implicitly assumed claim that the no desu construction is the ModJ counterpart of the OJ kakari musubi. From the point of view of grammaticalization, the development of stance marking functions from kakari musubi (cleft) in Okinawan substantiated Yap et al.’s claim that a cleft construction serves as a crucial link between a nominalizer and a stance marker. In a cross-linguistic perspective, this paper claims that the OJ and Okinawan rentaikei shows versatility seen in various Tibeto-Burman languages such as Chantyal and Lahu.
Abstract
This paper demonstrates that the four functions originally tied to rentaikei in Old Japanese (OJ), and its sister-language, Old Okinawan (OOk) have been carried on into Modern Okinawan (MOk). In particular, the new rentaikei maintains adnominal, exclamative and cleft functions (kakari musubi), while the new nominalizer si, takes on a headless relative clause/complementizer function. It is argued here that the rentai and shushi distinction was indeed vital for the preservation of kakari musubi. It is further argued that a complementary distribution between Japanese and Okinawan such that OJ loses its kakari musubi system, prompting Modern Japanese (ModJ) to develop no desu, while MOk renews its kakari musubi system, and consequently does not develop no desu. This paper supports an implicitly assumed claim that the no desu construction is the ModJ counterpart of the OJ kakari musubi. From the point of view of grammaticalization, the development of stance marking functions from kakari musubi (cleft) in Okinawan substantiated Yap et al.’s claim that a cleft construction serves as a crucial link between a nominalizer and a stance marker. In a cross-linguistic perspective, this paper claims that the OJ and Okinawan rentaikei shows versatility seen in various Tibeto-Burman languages such as Chantyal and Lahu.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Preface xi
- Acknowledgment to reviewers xv
- List of contributors xvii
- Introduction 1
- From light noun to nominalizer and more 61
- On the polyfunctionality and grammaticalization of the morpheme kai in the Chaozhou dialect 109
- The Cantonese ge3 125
- On gerundive nominalization in Mandarin and Cantonese 147
- Nominalization in Tibeto-Burman languages of the Himalayan area 163
- Aspects of the historical development of nominalizers in the Tamangic languages 195
- Innovation in nominalization in Magar 215
- Nominalization and nominalization-based constructions in Galo 255
- Nominalization in Numhpuk Singpho 289
- Nominalization in Nuosu Yi 313
- Finite structures from clausal nominalization in Tibeto-Burman 343
- Linker, relativizer, nominalizer, tense-particle 363
- Nominalization and stance marking in Korean 393
- A case of non-derived stand-alone nominalization 423
- Nominalization in Okinawan 445
- Versatility of nominalizations 473
- The functions of - an and = ay in Kavalan 499
- Clausal nominalization in Budai Rukai 523
- Nominalization in Saisiyat 561
- Rise and fall of referentiality 589
- Referential and non-referential uses of nominalization constructions in Malay 627
- Expressing exclamatives in Malagasy 659
- Nominalizations in Toqabaqita and closely related languages 685
- Exclamatives and temporal nominalizations in Austronesian 721
- Discourse-structuring functions of Abui demonstratives 757
- Index 789
- Language index 795
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Preface xi
- Acknowledgment to reviewers xv
- List of contributors xvii
- Introduction 1
- From light noun to nominalizer and more 61
- On the polyfunctionality and grammaticalization of the morpheme kai in the Chaozhou dialect 109
- The Cantonese ge3 125
- On gerundive nominalization in Mandarin and Cantonese 147
- Nominalization in Tibeto-Burman languages of the Himalayan area 163
- Aspects of the historical development of nominalizers in the Tamangic languages 195
- Innovation in nominalization in Magar 215
- Nominalization and nominalization-based constructions in Galo 255
- Nominalization in Numhpuk Singpho 289
- Nominalization in Nuosu Yi 313
- Finite structures from clausal nominalization in Tibeto-Burman 343
- Linker, relativizer, nominalizer, tense-particle 363
- Nominalization and stance marking in Korean 393
- A case of non-derived stand-alone nominalization 423
- Nominalization in Okinawan 445
- Versatility of nominalizations 473
- The functions of - an and = ay in Kavalan 499
- Clausal nominalization in Budai Rukai 523
- Nominalization in Saisiyat 561
- Rise and fall of referentiality 589
- Referential and non-referential uses of nominalization constructions in Malay 627
- Expressing exclamatives in Malagasy 659
- Nominalizations in Toqabaqita and closely related languages 685
- Exclamatives and temporal nominalizations in Austronesian 721
- Discourse-structuring functions of Abui demonstratives 757
- Index 789
- Language index 795
