On the syntax of correlation: Evidence from Egyptian Arabic
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Usama Soltan
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to describe and analyze the syntax of two types of correlation structures (CSs) in Egyptian Arabic (EA): A structure introduced by the quantifier kull (‘every’), and another introduced by the measure PP ʕalā Ɂadd (literally, ‘on/by amount’). More specifically, it is shown that both types of structures involve subordination, where the first clause is subordinate to the second. A syntactic analysis along the lines of den Dikken (2005) and Taylor (2013) for comparative correlatives is first shown to account for the main grammatical properties of both types of CSs in EA. A cartographic implementation of the analysis is then proposed to account for a wider range of empirical data related to CSs, including their information structure properties. The data and analysis presented in this paper thus add to the body of empirical literature on CSs cross-linguistically, while showing that their grammatical properties do follow under standard syntactic analysis, and that analyzing such structures as ‘constructional’ primitives of the grammar is unnecessary.
Abstract
The goal of this paper is to describe and analyze the syntax of two types of correlation structures (CSs) in Egyptian Arabic (EA): A structure introduced by the quantifier kull (‘every’), and another introduced by the measure PP ʕalā Ɂadd (literally, ‘on/by amount’). More specifically, it is shown that both types of structures involve subordination, where the first clause is subordinate to the second. A syntactic analysis along the lines of den Dikken (2005) and Taylor (2013) for comparative correlatives is first shown to account for the main grammatical properties of both types of CSs in EA. A cartographic implementation of the analysis is then proposed to account for a wider range of empirical data related to CSs, including their information structure properties. The data and analysis presented in this paper thus add to the body of empirical literature on CSs cross-linguistically, while showing that their grammatical properties do follow under standard syntactic analysis, and that analyzing such structures as ‘constructional’ primitives of the grammar is unnecessary.
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
-
Part I. Phonetics and phonology
- Stress assignment and foot construction in a Southwestern Saudi Arabic dialect 11
- What triggers 'ima¯la 35
- A study of the place of articulation of the Arabic voiceless dorsal fricative 55
-
Part II. Syntax and semantics
- On the syntax of correlation: Evidence from Egyptian Arabic 71
- The complementizer layer in Standard Arabic revisited 109
- Sluicing and sprouting in Jordanian Arabic 135
-
Part III. Clinical linguistics
- Clinical linguistic research in the study of Arabic diglossia 155
- Index 173
Kapitel in diesem Buch
- Prelim pages i
- Table of contents v
- Introduction 1
-
Part I. Phonetics and phonology
- Stress assignment and foot construction in a Southwestern Saudi Arabic dialect 11
- What triggers 'ima¯la 35
- A study of the place of articulation of the Arabic voiceless dorsal fricative 55
-
Part II. Syntax and semantics
- On the syntax of correlation: Evidence from Egyptian Arabic 71
- The complementizer layer in Standard Arabic revisited 109
- Sluicing and sprouting in Jordanian Arabic 135
-
Part III. Clinical linguistics
- Clinical linguistic research in the study of Arabic diglossia 155
- Index 173
